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Mark Van de Velde LLACAN - C.N.R.S. (Paris). WOCAL 7 – Buea The origin and spread of possessee -like qualifiers in Central Africa. 1. Introduction: possessee -like qualifiers.
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Mark Van de Velde LLACAN - C.N.R.S. (Paris) WOCAL 7 – BueaThe origin and spread of possessee-like qualifiers in Central Africa.
1. Introduction: possessee-like qualifiers In a number of central African languages attributive NPs have the form of genitive constructions headed by the qualifier, i.e. the qualifier is construed as a possessee.
1. Introduction: possessee-like qualifiers (1) Basaa(Bantu; Hyman 2003) a. lì-wándá lí=kíŋɛ̂ 5-friend v.gen=chief ‘the friend of the chief’ b. lì-kɛ́ŋgɛ́ lí=m-ût 5-clever v.gen=1-person ‘a clever person’ c. mà-kɛ́ŋgɛ́ má=ɓ-ôt 6-clever vi.gen=2-persons ‘clever people’
1. Introduction: possessee-like qualifiers PLAC but not DRNA (2) Makwe (Benue-Congo, Bantu; Mozambique; Maud Devos 2008: 136) muú-nu w-á=ki-búúli 1-person i-gen=7-silent ‘a silent person’ (literally: ‘person of silent’) (3) Zaar (Afro-Asiatic, Chadic, West B3; Nigeria; Bernard Caron 2005: 227) lâtkə́ mūːrī skin gen new ‘a new skin’ (literally: ‘skin of new’)
1. Introduction: possessee-like qualifiers Sometimes compared to: expressive binominal NPs (EBNPs) (Ad Foolen 2004) (4) Shingazidja(Benue-Congo, Bantu; Grande Comore; Michel Lafon 1997: 161) a. trombe l-a=m-ndru [5]avorted_seedv-gen=1-person ‘a dead loss’ b. dji-ndru l-a=meza 5-giant v-gen=table ‘a huge table’
2. Examples from Benue-Congo languages Eton(Bantu A70; Cameroon; Mark Van de Velde 2008)
2. Examples from Benue-Congo languages Eton(Bantu A70; Cameroon; Mark Van de Velde 2008) (5) ɛ̀bèŋ ɛ́ lôŋ ɛ̀-bɛ̀ŋ ɛ́=lòŋ 5-beauty v.gen=[5]hair ‘beautiful hair’ (6) ìŋgúŋgwálí môd ì-ŋgúŋgwálí=m-òd 7-miserable vii.gen=1-person ‘a miserable person’
2. Examples from Benue-Congo languages (7) a. ìvèvɛ̀zḿpégíꜜté kù ì-və̀vɛ̀zH=ɴ̀-pɛ́gí-Ltɛ́ L-kù 7-light vii.gen=3-bag vii.prinf-fall ‘The light bag falls.’ b. mèté ꜜyɛ́nyɔ̂ mə̀-Ltɛ́ L-jɛ́n j-ɔ̋ 1sg-pr inf-see vii-pro ‘I see it.’
3. Examples from Ubangian languages 3.1. Gbaya(CAR; Paulette Roulon-Doko 1987, 2008, p.c.)
3. Examples from Ubangian languages 3.1. Gbaya(CAR; Paulette Roulon-Doko 1987, 2008, p.c.) Two genitival constructions (-H and kɔ), with different semantics. (8) gbã̀ʔã́ fɔ̀ gbã̀ʔã̀-Hfɔ̀ old-rel field ‘an old field (waste land)’ (9) gásá tùà gásí-á(-H)tùà be.big-adj-(rel) house ‘a big house’
3. Examples from Ubangian languages (10) bàfá ndàè bàfà-Hndàè male-rel cow ‘a bull’ (11) wèé yì wèè-Hyì fire-rel water ‘hot water’
3. Examples from Ubangian languages (12) gásáà gásí-á-H-à be.big-adj-rel-3sg.poss.inan ‘the big one’ (lit. ‘its being big’)
3. Examples from Ubangian languages (9) gásá tùà gásí-á(-H) tùà be.big-adj-(rel) house ‘a big house’ (13) gàsì kɔ́ tùà bignessrel house ‘the bigness of the house’
4. Examples from Chadic languages Hausa (West Chadic; Nigeria)
4. Examples from Chadic languages (14) kàaká-an yáaròo grandfather-lk.ms boy[ms] ‘the boy’s grandfather’ (15) rìigáafár-áa gown[fs] white-fs ‘white gown’
4. Examples from Chadic languages (16) a. fár-á-r rìigáa white-fs-lk.fsgown[fs] ‘white gown’ b. fár-i-n zánèè white-ms-lk.ms cloth[ms] ‘white cloth’
6. Discussion and analysis The geographical distribution combined with the typological rarity clearly point to a contact phenomenon But given the important typological variation between instances of this construction type in the languages of Central Africa: Which feature spread? An abstract constructional scheme: use the same strategy for expressing possessees and qualities.
6. Discussion and analysis 3.2. Zande(DRCongo; Raymond Boyd 1987, ms.)
6. Discussion and analysis 3.2. Zande(DRCongo; Raymond Boyd 1987, ms.) (25) mēmē nyā bone animal ‘The bone of an animal’ (26) gà gbíá ꜜkúmbá gen chief man ‘the chief’s man’
6. Discussion and analysis (27) pàràngá ꜜkúmbá young man ‘a boy’
6. Discussion and analysis (30) a. gbāngā ngūà ́ nāà gūrū ngūà long tree with short tree ‘the long stick and the short stick’ b. gbāngā ngūǎ nāà gūrū hé long tree with short 3sg.inan.poss ‘the long stick and the short one’
6. Discussion and analysis (31) a. fù̧à bòrǒ wà fù̧à ángó té track person like track dog neg ‘A person’s track is not like a dog’s track.’ b. fù̧à bòrǒ wà gà ángóté track person like gen dogneg ‘A person’s track is not like a dog’s.’
6. Discussion and analysis (32) a. gbīnzà kúmbá wà gbīnzà dē ́ té old man like old woman neg ‘An old man is not like an old woman.’ b. gbīnzà kúmbá wà gà dē ́té old man like gen womanneg ‘Old men and women are not the same.’
6. Discussion and analysis Kwakum(Bantu A93; Cameroon; Belliard 2006) (33) a. páá myáʃí good 3-voice ‘a beautiful voice’ b. ngúmbà kɔ̂ndù entire 3-month ‘an entire month’
6. Discussion and analysis “La grandemajorité des qualificatifsestdérivée de thèmesnominauxouverbaux au moyend’une finale –áàwɛ̀” (34) a. càláàwɛ̀ ‘fast, sharp’ < cál ‘speed’ ɟòmáàwɛ̀ ‘dry’ < ɟómó ‘to dry’ b. ì-dɛ́lɔ́ bùláàwɛ̀ 8-clothes many ‘many clothes’
6. Discussion and analysis A TENTATIVE SCENARIO The DRNA pattern originates in the Ubangian languages. In Gbaya, for instance, the majority of qualifiers are relational nouns derived from verbs. DRNA constructions are structurally identical to Action Nominal Constructions. This analysis does not (or rarely) work in non-Ubangian “DRNA languages” in the area. DRNA must have been borrowed from Ubangian in these languages.
