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S emantic roles and cross- categorial case in Uralic. Anne Tamm anne.tamm AT unifi.it University of Florence Research Institute of Linguistics , Hungarian Academy of Sciences , Budapest. International Workshop on Semantic Roles Pavia, 19-20 May 2010 - Aula Scarpa.

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s emantic roles and cross categorial case in uralic

Semanticroles and cross-categorialcase in Uralic

Anne Tamm

anne.tamm AT unifi.it

University of Florence

Research Institute of Linguistics ,HungarianAcademyofSciences, Budapest

International WorkshoponSemanticRoles

Pavia, 19-20 May 2010 - Aula Scarpa

questions and puzzles
Questions and puzzles
  • Doverbsinstantiatesemanticroles?
  • What is therelationshipbetweensemanticroles and grammaticalcategoriessuchasaspect, evidentiality, ormodality?
reasoning for yes
Reasoningfor YES
  • Semanticrole is a relationbetweenapredicate and an argument.
  • The relationship is encodedby a formwithsemantic and categoriallyspecifiedcontent.
  • The encodingmay be donebycase.
  • The categorythat ”has” casemay be a predicate.
  • ManyUraliccategoriesarebetweennouns and verbs.
  • Thesemostlyinfinitivalcaseformsarearguments of predicatesthatareitselfpredicates.
  • Soverbscaninstantiate a semanticrole, buthow?
verb of motion goal
Verb of motion - Goal

Ma lähe-n Pavia-sse/Tallinna.

I[nom] go-1sg P-illative T.illative

‘I am going to Pavia/Tallinn.’

verb of motion goal1
Verb of motion - Goal

Ma lähe-n uju-ma.

I[nom] go-1sg swim-m_illative

‘I am going swimming, I am going to swim.’

(# I’mgonnaswim.)

copula location
Copula - Location

Ma olenPavia-s.

I[nom] be-1sg P-inessive

‘I am in Pavia.’

copula location1
Copula - Location

Ma olenuju-mas.

I[nom] be-1s swim-m_inessive

‘I am off swimming.’

(# I am swimming – progressive)

verb of motion source
Verb of motion - Source

Ma tule-n Pavia-st.

I[nom] come-1s P-elative

‘I am coming from Pavia.’

verb of motion source1
Verb of motion - Source

Ma tule-n uju-mast.

I[nom] come-1s swim-m_elative

‘I am coming from swimming.’

(# Jeviens de nager – I havejustswum.)

one example about other relations
Oneexampleaboutother relations

Ma ole-n pileti-ta.

I[nom] be-1sticket-abessive

‘I don’thave a/theticket, I am without a/the ticket.’

other relations abessive without
Other relations, abessive, ‘without’

Ma ole-n uju-mata.

I[nom] be-1s swim-m_abessive

‘I have not swum.’

the roadmap to the solution
The roadmaptothesolution
  • The Uraliclanguages
  • The role of case
  • Cross-categorialcase
  • Non-finitesasarguments and aspredicates
  • The transfer of themeaningofsemanticroles of non-finitesasarguments > TAM categories
r ich case systems poor case systems
Richcasesystems > poorcasesystems
  • Uraliclanguagesaretypicallycharacterizedbyrichcasesystemswithapproximately 10 members, and manyhavecasesystems of approximately 15 or 20 cases.
  • In WALS, thereare 24 languageswith more than 10 cases.
    • The followinglanguageshave more than 10 casesin WALS: Awa Pit, Basque, Brahui, Chukchi, EpenaPedee, Estonian, Evenki, Finnish, Gooniyandi, Hamtai, Hungarian, Hunzib, Ingush, Kayardild, Ket, Lak, Lezgian, Martuthunira, Mordvin (Erzya), Nez Perce, Nunggubuyu, Pitjantjatjara, Toda, Udmurt.
  • Fiveof thoselistedareUralic (Erzya Mordvin, Estonian, Finnish, Hungarian, and Udmurt).
c ase marked non finite verb forms
Case-marked non-finite verb forms
  • Languageswith many non-finite forms tend to have rich case systems.
  • The regularity can only partly be attributed to areal linguistic contacts, since it is observable, for instance, in the geographically distant Caucasian and Australian languages. There is no reason to assume a generalization with the strength of a language universal.
  • Non-finite forms frequently originate from case-marked non-finite verb forms, which are complements originally but develop further into base predicates of larger predicate complexes.
  • Thesecomplexes develop case-related semantics and modal meanings.
uralic case is cross categorial
Uraliccase is cross-categorial
  • Attachestonouns, and inlanguageswithadjective-nounagreement, toadjectives
  • Attachestoverbs
  • Attachestoverbswith a nominalizingsuffix
  • Attachestoverbswith a nominalizingsuffix, forminginfinitives and in-betweenforms
cross categorial case illustrations
Cross-categorialcaseillustrations
  • Verbstems (Udmurt V+abessive)
  • Nominalizations (Udmurt cases V+m+case, V+n+case)
  • Parts of non-finites (Finnic, thecaseformantsare part of a morpheme of a non-finiteverb)
  • Selkupinfinitive marker: V+translative
attaches to nouns an example of the udmurt case system
Attachestonouns: an example of the Udmurt casesystem

1. Nominative s’ik

2. Genitives’ik-len

3. Accusatives’ik/s’ik-ez

4. Ablative s’ik-les’

5. Dative s’ik-ly

6. Adessives’ik-len

7. Instrumentals’ik-en

8. Abessives’ik-tek

9. Inessives’ik-yn

10. Illative s’ik-e

11. Elative s’ik-ys’(t)

12. Terminative s’ik-oz’

13. Egressives’ik-ys’en

14. Prolatives’ik-eti

15. Approximatives’ik-lan’

Source: SvetlanaEdygarova, p.c.

udmurt case on bare stems
Udmurt: caseonbarestems

1. Nominative s’ik

2. Genitives’ik-len

3. Accusatives’ik/s’ik-ez

4. Ablative s’ik-les’

5. Dative s’ik-ly

6. Adessives’ik-len

7. Instrumentals’ik-en

8. Abessives’ik-tekmyny-tek

9. Inessives’ik-yn

10. Illative s’ik-e

11. Elative s’ik-ys’(t)

12. Terminative s’ik-oz’

13. Egressives’ik-ys’en

14. Prolatives’ik-eti

15. Approximatives’ik-lan’

Source: SvetlanaEdygarova, p.c.

udmurt case on n nominalizations
Udmurt:caseonn-nominalizations

1. Nominative s’ikmyn-on(verb+n+case)

2. Genitives’ik-lenmyn-on-len(verb+n+len)

3. Accusatives’ik/s’ik-ez myn-on-ez

4. Ablatives’ik-les’ myn-on-les’

5. Dative s’ik-ly myn-on-ly

6. Adessives’ik-len

7. Instrumentals’ik-enmyn-on-en

8. Abessives’ik-tek

9. Inessives’ik-ynmyn-on-yn

10. Illatives’ik-emyn-on-e

11. Elative s’ik-ys’(t)

12. Terminatives’ik-oz’myn-on-oz’

13. Egressives’ik-ys’en

14. Prolatives’ik-eti

15. Approximatives’ik-lan’

Source: SvetlanaEdygarova, p.c.

udmurt case on m nominalizations
Udmurt: caseon-m-nominalizations

1. Nominative s’ikmyn-em(verb+m+case)

2. Genitives’ik-lenmyn-em-len (verb+m+len)

3. Accusatives’ik/s’ik-ez myn-em-ez

4. Ablatives’ik-les’ myn-em-les’

5. Dative s’ik-ly myn-em-ly

6. Adessives’ik-len

7. Instrumentals’ik-enmyn-em-en

8. Abessives’ik-tek

9. Inessives’ik-ynmyn-em-yn

10. Illatives’ik-emyn-em-e

11. Elatives’ik-ys’(t)myn-em-ys’

12. Terminatives’ik-oz’myn-em-oz’

13. Egressives’ik-ys’en

14. Prolatives’ik-eti

15. Approximatives’ik-lan’

Source: SvetlanaEdygarova, p.c.

the estonian case system
The Estonian case system
  • Nominative book raamat
  • Genitive of a book raamatu
  • Partitive (of) a book raamatu-t
  • Illative into the book raamatu-sse
  • Inessive in a book raamatu-s
  • Elative from (inside) a book raamatu-st
  • Allative onto a book raamatu-le
  • Adessive on a book raamatu-l
  • Ablative from the book raamatu-lt
  • Translative in(to), as a book raamatu-ks
  • Terminative until a book raamatu-ni
  • Essive as a book raamatu-na
  • Abessive without a book raamatu-ta
  • Comitative with a book raamatu-ga
slide22
Name

Form

Related form

Case

Diachronic status

Illative of the m-infinitive (supine)

-ma

-ma

-, illative

Historical, productive

Inessive of the m-infinitive

-mas

-ma

-s, inessive

Historical, productive

Elative of the m-infinitive

-mast

-ma

-st, elative

Historical, productive

Allative of the m-infinitive

-malle

-ma

-le, allative

Coast dialectal

Adessive of the m-infinitive

-malla

-ma

-l(a), adessive

Dialectal

Ablative of the m-infinitive

(-malt)

-ma

-lt, ablative

Dialectal, Finnish-Livonian

Translative of the m-infinitive

-maks

-ma

-ks, translative

Artificial, productive

Abessive of the m-infinitive

-mata

-ma

-ta, abessive

Historical, productive

Gerundive

-des

-da

-s, inessive

Historical, productive

Gerundive

...

-da

instructive

Historical

-t-infinitive

-da

-da

...

productive

-vat-infinitive

-vat

prtcpl

partitive

productive

these forms are not nouns
Theseformsarenotnouns
  • Uju-ma, uju-mas, uju-mastinstantiate a differentcategoryfromnoun
  • Theyarebetweenverbs and nouns, infinitivesandnominalizations (actionnouns)
  • Theycannot be modifiedby an adjective, showingcaseagreement
  • Theycannot be pluralized
  • Butthereareslightchangesintheencoding of theargumentNPs
suspended affixation with nouns
Suspendedaffixationwithnouns

Taläkskojumütsi-ta ja salli-ta.

Shewenthomehat-abe and shawl-abe

‘Shewenthomewithout a hat and a shawl.’

Taläkskojumütsi-Ø ja salli-ta.

Shewenthomehat-Ø and shawl-abe

‘Shewenthomewithout a hat and a shawl.’

suspended affixation not possible with the m non finites
Suspendedaffixationnotpossiblewiththem-non-finites

Taläkskojujooksmata ja kiirustamata.

Shewenthomerun-m_abe and hurry-m_abe

‘Shewenthomewithoutrunning and hurrying.’

*Taläkskojujooksma-Ø ja kiirustamata.

Shewenthomerun-m-Ø and hurry-m_abe

‘Shewenthomewithoutrunning and hurrying.’

nominal properties
Nominalproperties
  • HavingthesamedistributionwithcertainNPs ‘markedwiththesamecase’ and instantiatingthesamesemanticroles
  • illative: goal, inessive: location, elative: source
  • partitive: theme/patient
  • The semanticroleprovidesthesemanticbasisforthe shift inthecategorial status of thecase marker
the transfer of incremental theme semantics to tam categories partitive
The transfer of incrementalthemesemanticsto TAM categories: partitive
  • ‘part-of’ N
  • > event-objectisomorphism
  • > aspect marking partitive
  • > epistemicmodality
  • > evidentiality
incremental themes
Incrementalthemes

Mari sõipitsat.

Mari ate pizza.partitive

‘Mary waseatingthe pizza.’

Marisõipitsa.

Mari ate pizza.tot

‘Mary ate a pizza.’

the participle becomes an object a uditory evidence is partial
The participlebecomes an object - auditoryevidence is partial

Mari kuulis teda

Mary heard him/her.part

koju tulevat.

homecome-pers.pres.ptcp.partitive

‘Mary heard him/her come home.’

visual evidence is not partial
Visual evidence is notpartial

Mari nägi Jürit

Mary sawJ.part

kojutule-mas.

homecome-m_inessive

‘Mary saw Georgecominghome.’

evidentiali ty indirect hearsay partial
Evidentiality: indirecthearsaypartial

Mari tule-vat.

M.nom come.pers.pres.participle.part

‘Allegedly/reportedly,Mary will come.’

Marituleb.

M.nom come.3.sg

‘Mary will come.’

conclusion semantic roles and cross categorial case
Conclusion: semanticroles and cross-categorialcase
  • Whennon-finitesarecase-marked, theycaninstantiatesemanticroles.
  • Thisbringsaboutthebroadening of themeaningofthecase and therise of grammaticalmeanings.
  • The transfer of themeaningofcross-categorialcasefrom an argumenttothepredicateorutterancedomainretainselements of themeaningofthesemanticrole.
  • I presentedtheparallelsintheSource, Location, Goal, and IncrementalThemeroles of casemarkednouns and non-finites.
  • I showedhowthesemantics of theincrementalthemeroletransferstothecategoriesofaspect, epistemicmodality and evidentiality
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