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Semantic and morphological partitives in the Uralic languages. Anne Tamm SLE 43RD ANNUAL MEETING, VILNIUS, 2 - 5 SEPTEMBER 2010 SLE workshop Partitives , Vilnius , September 4th, 2010. What is special about the Uralic partitives ?.

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semantic and morphological partitives in the uralic languages

Semantic and morphologicalpartitivesintheUraliclanguages

Anne Tamm

SLE 43RD ANNUAL MEETING, VILNIUS, 2 - 5 SEPTEMBER 2010

SLE workshopPartitives,

Vilnius, September 4th, 2010

what is special about the uralic partitives
What is specialabouttheUralicpartitives?
  • Havingmanylanguageswiththepartitive: thevariationacrosstheFinniclanguagesin ”whatthepartitive is usedfor” – thesemanticpartitive > partitive TAM semanticsdistinction
  • Embeddednessinrichcasesystems: themultitude of Source (separative) cases and a mismatchbetweenpartitivesemantics and semanticpartitives
  • Theinteractionbetween TAM and thepartitive
    • Aspectual DOM, DSM, DAM
    • Definitenesseffects, telicity, and partitivearguments
    • Caseonnon-finites and verbstems
semantics and morphology a partitive mismatch
Semantics and morphology: a ”partitive” mismatch
  • SeveralUraliclanguageshavecasesthatarereferredtoas ”partitive”.
  • The semantics of thesecasesdivergesfromthegenerallyassumednotionof ”partitive”.
  • It is usefultodistinguishbetween ”semanticpartitives” (and casesthatexpressit) and ”morphologicalpartitives” (andthesemanticstheyexpress).

Semantic

Morphological PTV

slide4
SemP

The partitivesemanticscorrespondsto "part/amount-of-N", referringto a part orquantity out of a grouporamount of substance.

language specific morphological partitives
Language-specificmorphologicalpartitives
  • Whilethesemanticpartitive has fixed semanticproperties, themorphologicalpartitivecaseshavedevelopedtheirownspecificsemanticsand pragmaticsineachUraliclanguagewherethecaseappears.
    • Karelian: thecausepartitive ”infinitives”
    • Inari Sami: afternumbers 7+
    • Inari Sami: withcomparatives (thansomeone/something)
karelian partitive infinitives
Karelian ”partitiveinfinitives”

Keittä-miäpadamusten-i.

cook-M_NMLZ_PTV pot[NOM]

blacken-3S.PST

’Cookingcausedthepotturnblack.’ (Karelian)

sami comparative constructions
Sami comparativeconstructions

(Inari Sami, Toivonen 2003: 65)

sami number phrases 7
Sami numberphrases 7+

(Inari Sami, Toivonen 2003: 66)

r ich case systems
Richcasesystems
  • Uraliclanguagesaretypicallycharacterizedbyrichcasesystemswithapproximately 10 members, and manyhavecasesystems of approximately 15 or 20 cases.
  • Accordingtothe WALS map of Iggesen(2008), thereare 24 languageswith more than 10 cases.
    • The followinglanguageshave more than 10 casesin WALS: Awa Pit, Basque, Brahui, Chukchi, EpenaPedee, Estonian, Evenki, Finnish, Gooniyandi, Hamtai, Hungarian, Hunzib, Ingush, Kayardild, Ket, Lak, Lezgian, Martuthunira, Mordvin (Erzya), Nez Perce, Nunggubuyu, Pitjantjatjara, Toda, Udmurt.
  • Fiveof thoselistedareUralic (Erzya Mordvin, Estonian, Finnish, Hungarian, and Udmurt).
partitive in the case paradigm
Partitiveinthecaseparadigm

Morphologicalpartitives:

(Baltic)-Finnic

Skolt and Inari Sami

----------------------

Semanticpartitives:

Almost allUraliccaseshaveoneor more casesfor ”separation”

partitive and source cases est
Partitive and sourcecases: Est

Nominative book raamat

Genitive of a book raamatu

Partitive(of) a book raamatu-t

Illative into the book raamatu-sse

Inessivein a book raamatu-s

Elative from (inside) a book raamatu-st

Allative onto a book raamatu-le

Adessiveon a book raamatu-l

Ablative from the book raamatu-lt

Translative in(to), as a book raamatu-ks

Terminative until a book raamatu-ni

Essive as a book raamatu-na

Abessivewithout a book raamatu-ta

Comitative with a book raamatu-ga

no partitive source cases u
No partitive, Sourcecases (U)

1. Nominative s’ik

2. Genitives’ik-len

3. Accusatives’ik/s’ik-ez

4. Ablative s’ik-les’

5. Dative s’ik-ly

6. Adessives’ik-len

7. Instrumentals’ik-en

8. Abessives’ik-tek

9. Inessives’ik-yn

10. Illative s’ik-e

11. Elative s’ik-ys’(t)

12. Terminative s’ik-oz’

13. Egressives’ik-ys’en

14. Prolatives’ik-eti

15. Approximatives’ik-lan’

Source: SvetlanaEdygarova, p.c.

source cases in rich paradigms
Sourcecasesinrichparadigms
  • Komi has 18 cases (Riese 1998: 268), nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, approximative, genitive/ablative, inessive, elative, ablative, terminative, instrumental, egressive, caritive, adverbial, prolative 1 and 2, consecutive, comitative.
source cases in poor paradigms
Sourcecasesinpoorparadigms
  • Tundra Nenets 7 (Salminen 1998: 537), nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, locative, ablative, prosecutive. (thesuggestedProto-Samoyedicinventory, Janhunen 1998: 469)
  • Kamas 7 (Szimoncsics 1998: 585-586), nominative, accusative, genitive, lative, locative, ablative, instrumental
  • Selkup 13 (Helimski 1998: 560-561), nominative, accusative, genitive, instrumental, co-ordinative, caritive, translative, dative/allative, illative, locative, elative, prolative, vocative
  • Nganasan 8-11 (Helimski 1998: 496), nominative (= absoluteform), accusative, genitive, lative (= dative, ordative-lative), locative (=locative/instructive), elative (=ablative), prolative (=prosecutive)
source cases ablative elative delative egressive and exessive
Sourcecases: ablative, elative, delative, egressive, and exessive
  • Ablative(Erzya, Estonian, Finnish, Hungarian, Mansi, Vepsian, Votic, etc)denotesmovementawayfromsomething (e.g., awayfromthe house)
  • Elative (Erzya, Estonian, Finnish, Hungarian, Lule Sámi, Pite Sámi, Votic, etc) denotes "out of something" (e.g., out of the house).
  • Delative (Hungarian) denotesmovementfromthesurface (e.g., from (the top of) the house)
  • Egressive (Veps, Udmurt) marking thebeginning of a movementortime (e.g., beginningfromthe house)
  • Exessive (Karelian, Ingrian, Livonian, Votic, Estonian, etc ) transitionawayfrom a state (froma house)
  • Genitive-ablative (Komi) source of information, resource
uralic semantic partitive elative ablative
Uralicsemanticpartitive: elative, ablative
  • IntheUraliclanguages, thesemanticpartitive is generallyexpressedbytheelativecase.
  • Ifthere is no dedicatedelativecase, thenthesemanticpartitive is expressedbytheablative.
  • The morphologicalpartitiveis more characteristic of pseudopartitiveconstructions.
  • Pseudopartitiveconstructionsareexpressedpredominantlyviajuxtaposition.
  • It is notclearatthisstageifallUraliclanguageshaveanypartitiveconstructionswiththestructure
    • N-measure – N-substance
semp elative
SemP, elative
  • Elativedenotesmovementfrom a container, ablative - movementawayfromsomething, delative – movementfromasurface.

gyerekeimből a legfiatalabb

child-PL.1PX-ELA theyoungest

’theyoungest of mychildren’ (Hungarian)

juxtaposition pseudo partitives
Juxtaposition (pseudo-partitives)

ManyUraliclanguagesexpresspseudo-partitiveswithjuxtaposition (N and W Sami, Hungarian, Mari, Mordvinian, Komi, Udmurt (Koptjevskaja-Tamm 2001:555)).

egy pohár bor

det/oneglass[nom]wine[nom]

’a glass of wine’ (Hungarian)

semp elative morphp partitive
SemP: elative, MorphP: partitive
  • Estoniansemanticpartitive is typicallyrealizedbyelative; onlythepseudo-partitive is realizedwiththepartitivecase-marking.

noorimmulaste-st

youngestmychild.PL-ELA

’theyoungest of mychildren’

klaasveini

glass[nom] wine.PTV

’a glass of wine’ (Estonian)

true semp and aspect
TrueSemP and aspect

Evett a pizzá-ból.

eat.3sdef pizza-ela

‘She ate some of the pizza.’

Meg-ettea pizzá-t.

TELIC-eat.3sdef pizza-acc

‘She ate up the pizza.’

*Meg-ettea pizzá-ból.

TELIC-eat.3sdef pizza-ela

(‘She ate up of the pizza.’) (Hungarian)

morphp
MorphP

Mari sõi (seda) pitsa-t.

Mari ate this.ptvpizza-PTV

‘Mary waseating (this) pizza.’ (Est unbounded)

Marisõipitsa / ??pitsa-t(ära).

Mari ate pizza.ACC pizza-PTVup

‘Mary ate a pizza (up).’ (Est bounded)

Pizzá-t evett.

pizza-acc eat.3s

‘She waseating pizza.’ (Hu unbounded)

The Hungarianelative is a realsemanticpartitive.

BarenounscomparetootherUraliczeromarkedbarenouns.

udm acc semp unmarked acc
Udm.: acc. SemP, unmarked/acc

n'an' s'i-i (odigjudes)

bread[ACC]eat-INF (one[ACC] piece[ACC])

‘toeat (a piece of) bread.’

n'an'-ezjudess'i-i

bread-ACCpiece[ACC] eat-INF

‘toeat a piece of thisbread.’

n'an'-ezs'i-i

bread-ACCeat-INF

‘toeat (a piece of) thisbreadup.’

(SvetlanaEdygarova, p.c.)

komi elative semp unmarked acc
Komi, elativeSemP, unmarked/acc

Курчч-и нянь-сьыс тор.

bite-1s.pastbread-ela piece[acc]

’I havebittensomebread.’

Нянь сёй-и.

bread [acc] eat-1sg/past

‘I waseatingbread, Iatesomebread.’

Сёй-инянь-сö.

eat-1sg/past bread-acc.def

‘I atethebread (some of thebread).’

(NikolayKuznetsov, p.c.)

c ase marked non finite verb forms
Case-marked non-finite verb forms
  • Partitives and sourcecasesappearonnon-finites.
  • Non-finite forms frequently originate from case-marked non-finite verb forms, which are complements originally but develop further into base predicates of larger predicate complexes.
  • Thesecomplexes develop case-related semantics and TAM meanings.
udmurt case on n nominalizations
Udmurt:caseonn-nominalizations

1. Nominative s’ikmyn-on(verb+n+case)

2. Genitives’ik-lenmyn-on-len(verb+n+len)

3. Accusatives’ik/s’ik-ez myn-on-ez

4. Ablative s’ik-les’ myn-on-les’

5. Dative s’ik-ly myn-on-ly

6. Adessives’ik-len

7. Instrumentals’ik-enmyn-on-en

8. Abessives’ik-tek

9. Inessives’ik-ynmyn-on-yn

10. Illative s’ik-emyn-on-e

11. Elatives’ik-ys’(t)

12. Terminative s’ik-oz’myn-on-oz’

13. Egressives’ik-ys’en

14. Prolatives’ik-eti

15. Approximatives’ik-lan’

Source: SvetlanaEdygarova, p.c.

case on m nominalizations
Caseonm-nominalizations

1. Nominative s’ikmyn-em(verb+m+case)

2. Genitives’ik-lenmyn-em-len (verb+m+len)

3. Accusatives’ik/s’ik-ez myn-em-ez

4. Ablative s’ik-les’ myn-em-les’

5. Dative s’ik-ly myn-em-ly

6. Adessives’ik-len

7. Instrumentals’ik-enmyn-em-en

8. Abessives’ik-tek

9. Inessives’ik-ynmyn-em-yn

10. Illative s’ik-emyn-em-e

11. Elative s’ik-ys’(t)myn-em-ys’

12. Terminative s’ik-oz’myn-em-oz’

13. Egressives’ik-ys’en

14. Prolatives’ik-eti

15. Approximatives’ik-lan’

Source: SvetlanaEdygarova, p.c.

spatial prepositions infinitives
Spatialprepositions+infinitives

(1) Je viens de manger.

‘I have just eaten.’

(2) I go to eat.

(3) Jan is aan het eten.

‘John is eating.’

(4) *I come from eat.

(5) Je vais manger.

‘I am going to eat.’

the participle becomes an object a uditory evidence is partial
The participlebecomes an object - auditoryevidence is partial

Mari kuulis Jürit

Mary heardG.ptv

koju tulevat.

homecome-pers.pres.ptcp.partitive

‘Mary heard Georgecome home.’ (Est)

visual evidence is not partial
Visual evidence is notpartial

Mari nägi Jürit

Mary sawJ.part

kojutule-mas.

homecome-m_inessive

‘Mary saw Georgecominghome.’ (Est)

summary
Summary
  • TherearemanySource (separative) cases.
  • There is a mismatchbetweensemantic and morphologicalpartitives.
  • The interactionbetween TAM, definiteness, and thepartitivecan be observedinmanyareas.
    • Aspectual DOM
    • Definitenesseffects, telicity, and partitivearguments
    • Caseonnon-finites and verbstems
slide35

Thanks!

partitive.pbworks.com