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社會階層化理論

社會階層化理論. 當代理論. 美國階層化理論的發展. 雖然歐洲社會學很早就注意到社會階層化的議題,美國的社會學早期發展對於階層化的議題並沒有特別的興趣。 由於美國沒有像歐洲一樣嚴峻的階級界線,且其價值強調機會均等,早期美國社會學認為美國是一個沒有階級的社會 classless view of American society 這種觀點直到大蕭條時才開始產生變化,但階層化的研究經過很長的時間才破除美國沒有階級的神話。. 美國階層化理論的發展.

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社會階層化理論

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  1. 社會階層化理論 當代理論

  2. 美國階層化理論的發展 • 雖然歐洲社會學很早就注意到社會階層化的議題,美國的社會學早期發展對於階層化的議題並沒有特別的興趣。 • 由於美國沒有像歐洲一樣嚴峻的階級界線,且其價值強調機會均等,早期美國社會學認為美國是一個沒有階級的社會classless view of American society • 這種觀點直到大蕭條時才開始產生變化,但階層化的研究經過很長的時間才破除美國沒有階級的神話。

  3. 美國階層化理論的發展 • 1929, Robert and Helen Lynd Middletown, Middletown in Transition (1937) • 最早的階層化研究,以美國社區的權力及經濟不平等為核心議題,破除美國為機會均等社會的神話。 • 不過大蕭條過後,這些作品很快就被人遺忘。

  4. 美國階層化理論的發展 • Lloyd Warner, Yankee City與Lynd有幾個不同處: • Warner school 以地位不平等來界定階層化,忽略經濟及權力不平等所引起的衝突。 • 沒有分析機會不平等的實際狀況,仍然強調有才能及有野心者必可以成功的理想社會流動。 • 強調社會階層化為一個複雜社會中具有功能性且必要的。

  5. 美國階層化理論的發展 • 早期的美國社會學發展中,階層化理論被刻意忽略,彷彿階級衝突、財產繼承、種族剝削都不存在於這個無階級的社會中。 • 儘管大蕭條喚醒了美國人對於社會不平等的注意,但這各注意力並沒有持續太久。 • 即使在後來社會階層議題逐漸被討論,美國人還是將注意的焦點置於「地位」不平等,很多人仍然持續相信美國是一個無階級的社會。

  6. 美國階層化理論的發展 • 衝突理論的觀點直到最近才受到應有的尊重。社會流動的研究仍然以個人為焦點,而非財富權力不平等的結構性因素。例如美國研究貧窮問題仍然無法跳脫貧窮文化(culture of poverty)的解釋,將問題的本質置於窮人到底出了什麼問題(what is wrong with the poor)。 • 儘管如此,Warner的研究仍然有很大的影響,帶動了階層化的研究。

  7. 1950年代的階層化研究,主要還是以功能論為主。理論的取向接近涂爾幹而非韋伯或馬克思。1950年代的階層化研究,主要還是以功能論為主。理論的取向接近涂爾幹而非韋伯或馬克思。 • 與功能論的分家來自於Floyd Hunter的社區權力研究及C. W. Mills對於菁英階層的研究。

  8. 功能論 • 主要分成: • Davis & Moore • Parsons

  9. Davis & Moore功能論 • …consider society as something like an organism, the theory argued that this organism has needs that must be met if it is to remain healthy. • Among these needs is for the most important positions or jobs in the society to be staffed by the most qualified and competent people. • Social stratification is considered a mechanism that ensures that the need is met.

  10. The functionalist theory of Davis and Moore (1945) • 1) Certain positions in any society are functionally more important than others, and require special skills to fill them. 社會中的某些職位在功能上較為重要,且需要「特殊技能」才能勝任這些職位。 • 2) 社會中只有少數的「可造之才」可以被訓練而取得擔任這些職位所需的技能Only a limited number of people in any society have the talents that can be trained into the skills appropriate to these positions.

  11. The functionalist theory of Davis and Moore (1945) • 3)這些「可造之才」需透過一段時期的訓練,才能將「才能」轉為「技能」。接受訓練期間需負擔某種程度的犧牲及成本The conversion of talents into skills involves a training period during which sacrifices of one kind or another are made by those undergoing the training.

  12. The functionalist theory of Davis and Moore (1945) • 4) 為了使有「才能」的人願意接受訓練,這些職位必須提供某種程度的「差別誘因」--可以取得稀少及人人想要的報酬的特權或特殊管道In order to induce the talented people to undergo these sacrifices and acquire the training, their future positions must carry an inducement value in the form of a differential—that is, privileged and disproportionate access to the scarce and desired rewards the society has to offer.

  13. The functionalist theory of Davis and Moore (1945) • 5) 這些稀少及人人想要的「貨品」包含依附於職位的權力及特權,一般可以分成:(a) 生活舒適(b)娛樂消遣(c) 自尊及自我拓展These scarce and desired goods consist of the rights and prerequisites attached to, or built into, the positions, and can be classified into those things that contribute to (a) sustenance and comfort, (b) humor and diversion, and (c) self‑respect and ego expansion.

  14. The functionalist theory of Davis and Moore (1945) • 6) 由於取得基本報酬的能力及管道不同,造成各個社會層級在聲望及自尊上的分化。以致於形成體制化的社會不平等,及社會階層化。This differential access to the basic rewards of the society has as a consequence the differentiation of the prestige and esteem various strata acquire. It may be said to constitute, along with the rights and prerequisites, institutionalized social inequality; that is, stratification.

  15. The functionalist theory of Davis and Moore (1945) • 7) 因此,不同社會層級之間在資源、報酬、社會聲望、自尊取得上的不平等狀態,對整個社會來說是具有正面功能,而且是不可避免的。Therefore, social inequality among different strata in the amounts of scarce and desired goods and the amounts of prestige and esteem they receive is both positively functional and inevitable in any society.

  16. 醫師與垃圾清潔人員的比較Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector • 1) 醫師的工作是否比清潔人員重要?It can be argued that the job performed by the physician is more important than that of a garbage collector. • 在大都會中,這兩種職業對於社會正常的運作具有同等的重要性The differing importance of these two positions is somewhat questionable because in large urban areas both are important.

  17. 醫師與垃圾清潔人員的比較Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector • 2) 想當醫師必須具備特殊的「才能」,必須要是「可造之才」Davis and Moore assume the task of a physician requires special talents that are limited in the population. • 醫師必須經過長期的訓練,而清潔員不需任何訓練In addition, to become a physician requires a long training period if the special talents are to be developed into the needed skills. No such talents or training period is required for a garbage collector.

  18. 醫師與垃圾清潔人員的比較Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector • 3) 接受醫師訓練必須有所犧牲,包含在醫學院中所花費的時間、金錢、努力、及承受的心理壓力等。清潔員不需如此的犧牲。It is further assumed that some sacrifice is necessary to acquire the needed skills of a physician. Such sacrifice would include the time, money, effort, and psychological pressure involved in medical school. The position of garbage collector requires no such sacrifice to obtain training.

  19. 醫師與垃圾清潔人員的比較Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector • 4) 醫師的期望報酬必須夠高,才能吸引有才能的人做上述的犧牲。清潔員的工作不需提供特殊的報酬來吸引人來從事這個工作。In order to induce qualified people to undergo the sacrifice of obtaining the needed skills to perform as physicians, the future position must bring expected rewards appropriate to the required sacrifice. No such special rewards are seen as necessary to fill the position of garbage collector.

  20. 醫師與垃圾清潔人員的比較Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector • 5) 因此,社會必須賦予醫師職位較高的報酬。Thus, the rewards, of various types, must be attached to or built into the position. In other words, the rewards must not be random (only some physicians highly paid), but an expected part of a position as physician for maximum inducement to people with special talents.

  21. 醫師與垃圾清潔人員的比較Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector • 6) 由於取得報酬的管道有別,這兩個職位反映出不同的聲望及自尊。A result is that the physician and garbage collector have differing access to the basic rewards of the society, and the two positions reflect differing amounts of prestige and esteem.

  22. 醫師與垃圾清潔人員的比較Comparisons of a physician and garbage collector • 7) 因此,為了確保醫生的職位能夠吸引最有才能的人來擔任,不平等對於社會的運作而言,不但是具有正面的功能,也是不可避免的。Therefore, social inequality with respect to the positions of physician and garbage collector is both positively functional and inevitable to ensure that the position of physician is filled by the most qualified people.

  23. 勞動市場的供需模型A labor market model in disguise? • Davis-Moore的模型與經濟學的勞動市場的供需模型沒有太大的區別It is a labor market model analyzing the supply and demand of labor as it relates to rewards for labor. • 其基本運作邏輯為:當社會對於某一類職位的需求高於供給量時,社會必須提供更高的報酬來吸引人來就職。When the supply of skilled labor is low in relation to the amount of labor needed, the employer (in Davis and Moore's perspective, the society) will be required to pay more for this labor.

  24. 對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • As Collins (1975:420) argues: “Following through the pure market model leads us to a startling conclusion: The system must tend toward perfect equality in the distribution of wealth.” Collins指出:「如果單純地按照經濟學的市場模型來推論,我們將得到以下的結論:整個社會在財富分配上將會逐漸的趨於完全的公平。」

  25. 對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • 假設勞動力可以自由的流動,則高薪的工作將吸引大量的人力來競標,致使薪資逐漸下降,而低薪的工作由於聘僱困難,將逐漸提高薪資以吸引人才,當市場行情薪資偏離了均衡水準,勞動力的自由移動將使的各行各業的薪資水準不至於相差太大。 • Because where labor is free to move to higher paying jobs, the jobs that pay high wages will attract a surplus of workers, leading to a decline in the income for these jobs. Jobs paying low wages would tend to attract fewer workers. Without market restraints "wherever jobs pay above or below the average, processes are set in motion through labor mobility which eventually bring wages back into line with all the others" (Collins 1975:120).

  26. The market-clearing wage 薪資水準的決定 Supply exceeds demand:工資水準過高,廠商減少雇用,造成勞動力供過於求 薪資 供給 供過於求時,求職者找工作不易,願意以較低的薪資水準來就業。 有一些人會找尋其他的工作,使得供給逐漸減少。 W2 We • 廠商提高工資以吸引更多的人來應徵。 W1 需求 勞動人力數量 Demand exceeds supply: 工資水準過低,以致於需求大於供給時,廠商將面臨勞動力短缺的現象。

  27. 對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • 如果我們將工作條件、環境、及職業聲望等考慮進去,則從純粹市場及經濟邏輯的角度來分析,醫師的薪資應該少於垃圾清潔人員,因為他們的其他報酬(聲望、工作環境等)較高。 • And if we consider other rewards attached to positions, such as a good working environment or the prestige that comes with greater skill, (assuming a free market model), we might find that a physician would be paid less (in income) than a garbage collector because of the other rewards (such as prestige and working environment) attached to the position of physician.

  28. 對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • Davis和Moore辯稱不是每一個人都具有擔任醫師的條件,因此完全競爭的勞動市場並不存在。 Davis and Moore argue in the original theory that not everyone is equally talented or capable of performing the tasks of some very important positions. In this sense they do not acknowledge free labor competition. Many people could collect garbage, but only a few have the talent to become physicians.

  29. 對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • Are there really so few people with the talent to make it through medical school and become physicians? • 你覺得只有少數人可以完成醫學院的訓練、擔任外科醫生的工作嗎?

  30. 對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • 因為醫師公會及醫學院的限額制度,醫生的供給量受到很大的限制,Davis-Moore的理論完全忽略了權力在分配中所扮演的角色。 • There are limitations on who and how many people can become physicians because of the ability of the medical profession to restrict and limit access to training for the occupation. Most of the criticisms of the Davis and Moore theory evolve around their neglect of power

  31. 對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • The greater the rewards received by individuals or groups, the greater their ability to make sure they continue receiving such rewards, and even more rewards, no matter what function they serve for the society. • 個人獲得的報酬越多,他們越有能力能確保自己可以持續不斷地獲利,即使是他們所執行的任務對於社會以毫無價值或功能可言。

  32. 對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • 哪些職位對社會而言較為重要?誰來界定職位的重要性?There is also the question of what, in fact, the most important positions in the society are. • 擁有權力的人可以影響職位價值的界定Those with power are able to influence which positions are defined as most important

  33. 對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • And some criticism questions the degree of inequality necessary among positions in our society. • 即使不平等可以提供必要的誘因,究竟社會當中需要多大程度的不平等才足夠?

  34. 對於Davis-Moore模型的批評Critiques of Davis-Moore hypothesis • 就算醫生比垃圾需要更高的技能及訓練,如果醫師的薪資為垃圾清潔員的二十倍,我們可不可以說醫師職位對於社會的重要性為垃圾清潔人員的二十倍?還是因為某些職業對於報酬的決定擁有較多的控制權及影響力。One may grant the assumption that a physician is more important than a garbage collector, or at least that the position of physician requires more training and skill. But, for example, if we find that the physician earns twenty times more income than the garbage collector, can we say that the physician is twenty times more important than the garbage collector? Or do some occupations provide greater control and influence that allow them to demand greater pay?

  35. 階層化及不平等的負功能dysfunctions of stratification and inequality • (1) Social stratification systems function to limit the possibility of discovery of the full range of talent available in a society because of unequal access to appropriate motivation, channels of recruitment, and centers of training. • 由於社會提供給每一個人的誘因、就業管道、及訓練機會是不平等的,因此階層化的系統使得個人的才能是否能發揮受到很大的侷限。

  36. 階層化及不平等的負功能dysfunctions of stratification and inequality • (2) In foreshortening the range of available talent, social stratification systems function to set limits upon the possibility of expanding the productive resources of the society, at least relative to what might be accomplished under conditions of greater equality of opportunity. • 在機會不平等的情況下,由於人才無法充分被發掘或個人無法發揮其才能,階層化系統限制了社會資源擴張的可能性。

  37. 階層化及不平等的負功能dysfunctions of stratification and inequality • (3) Social stratification systems function to provide the elite with the political power necessary to procure acceptance and dominance of an ideology that rationalizes the status quo, whatever it may be, as logical, natural, and morally right. • 社會階層化系統使得既得利益的菁英階層可以透過政治權利來確保合理化現狀的意識型態獲得認同及接受,是現狀變成一種邏輯上、自然的、及道德上的合理狀態。

  38. 階層化及不平等的負功能dysfunctions of stratification and inequality • (4) Social stratification systems function to distribute favorable self‑images unequally throughout the population. To the extent that such favorable self-images are requisite to the development of the creative potential inherent in people, stratification systems function to limit the development of this creative potential. • 階層化系統使得社會中每一個人對於「自我形象」有不同的認知,由於這種「優越感」為創造潛力能否發展的先決條件,使得缺乏優越感者的創造力受到很大的侷限。

  39. 階層化及不平等的負功能dysfunctions of stratification and inequality • (5) To the extent that inequalities in social rewards cannot be made fully acceptable to the less privileged in a society, social stratification systems function to encourage hostility,suspicion, and distrust among the various segments of a society and thus to limit the possibilities of extensive social integration. • 在社會報酬的不平等情形無法為弱勢團體完全接受的情況下,社會階層系統會使得各個階層間產生敵意、猜忌、及不信任,限制了社會整合的可能。

  40. 階層化及不平等的負功能dysfunctions of stratification and inequality • (6)To the extent that the sense of significant membership in a society depends on one's place on the prestige ladder of the society, social stratification systems function to distribute unequally the sense of significant membership in the population. • 個人是否覺得自己為社會中的重要成員,決定於個人在聲望階梯中的位置,社會階層化系統會使得不同階層的人對於自己是否為社會的重要成員有不同的觀感。

  41. 階層化及不平等的負功能dysfunctions of stratification and inequality • (7) To the extent that loyalty to a society depends on a sense of significant membership in the society, social stratification systems function to distribute loyalty unequally in the population. • 由於對於社會的忠誠度決定於個人是否自覺為社會的重要成員,因此不同得社會階層對於社會的忠誠度也有很大的差異。

  42. 階層化及不平等的負功能dysfunctions of stratification and inequality • (8) To the extent that participation or apathy depend upon the sense of significant membership in the society, social stratification systems function to distribute the motivation to participate unequally in a population. • 由於個人是否積極參與社會或採取冷漠的社會態度與個人是否覺得自己為社會的重要成員有關,因此不同社會階層的成員對於參與社會的動機及意願有很大的差異。

  43. Empirical Research on the Davis and Moore Theory • Abrahamson:戰爭時,軍人的待遇增加。職業棒球中,重要位置及稀有才華的選手薪水比較高。對於社會的重要性決定待遇。 • Broom and Cushing (1977)發現大公司中,主管的功能重要性(有多少部屬依賴主管)及職務表現與其薪資無關。 • Broom and Cushing 的研究也指出,對社會較為重要的公司(如鋼鐵、食品、藥品、紡織成衣)中的主管,其薪資報酬並沒有比對社會較不重要的公司(煙草、化妝品、飲料)的主管的薪資更高。

  44. Empirical Research on the Davis and Moore Theory • General population tends to believe that inequality and social stratification should operatein a manner generally suggested by the Davis and Moore theory. • Americans are much more likely to think that there is equality of opportunity inAmerica, thus indicating they tend to think the stratification system in America operatesin a manner suggested by the functional theory of stratification.

  45. 一個人會窮是因為…(N=1800, 2002)

  46. Parsons' Functional Theory of Social Stratification • Parsons' work has been highly influential in carrying on the tradition of Durkheim and the Warner school of social stratification in American sociology

  47. Parsons' Functional Theory of Social Stratification • Parsons: statusor honor is the most important dimension of social stratification. People are evaluated and ranked by others in terms of how well they live up to the dominant values in the society, whatever these values may be. This means that there will always be a hierarchy of status honor in every society.

  48. wealth and power differences • "In spite of much opinion to the contrary, it (wealth and power) is not a primary criterion, seen in terms of the common value system. . . . its primary significance is a symbol of achievement."

  49. 主流價值體系 • In order to specify the placement of people in the stratification system, Parsons had to rank which roles or tasks are the most respected (to the least respected) in the society, which involved getting more specific about the dominant value system.

  50. AGIL • all societies must solve problems of (1) adaptation of the environment, (2) goal attainment, (3) integration, and (4) latent pattern maintenance (or, for short, AGIL). • The primary "concrete" institutions that usually perform these functional prerequisites for a society are, in order, (1) the economy, (2) the state, (3) the legal system or sometimes religion, and (4) the family, schools, and cultural institutions.

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