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The Social Organization of Deviance. Part VI. This section looks more closely at the lives and activities of deviants. Best and Luckenbill (1980) have noted in their analysis of the social organization of deviants that relationships among deviants take many forms varying in:

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The Social Organization of Deviance


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    1. The Social Organization of Deviance Part VI

    2. This section looks more closely at the lives and activities of deviants. • Best and Luckenbill (1980) have noted in their analysis of the social organization of deviants that relationships among deviants take many forms varying in: • (1) numbers of members • (2) task specialization • (3) stratification within group • (4) type of authority structure Part 6

    3. A. Loners • Such deviants are most solitary interacting with others but keeping their deviant attitudes, behaviors or conditions secret • This category includes sexual asphyxiates, self-injurers, anorectics, bulimics, computers hackers, and pedophiles • Websites now permit many such “loners” to connect online with others like themselves thereby presenting potential surrogate forms of “community” Part 6

    4. A. Loners • Such websites provide several latent functions for participants, they: • Transmit technical and ideological know-how enabling deviants to more effectively engage in and legitimate their deviance • Bring together persons into common discourse regardless of age, gender, marital status, ethnicity, or SES • Are global spanning several continents • Such deviant cyber-communities provide a “space” for deviance to grow Part 6

    5. B. Colleagues • Such deviants have face-to-face relationships with others like themselves but don’t need their cooperation to perform their deviance • This category includes the homeless, recreational drug users & con artists • Big advantage over loners is that mutual association brings possibility of membership in a deviant subculture or counterculture • The individual gains social support from colleagues Part 6

    6. C. Peers • Such deviants engage in deviance with others like themselves but have only minimal division of labor • This category includes neighborhood gangs who congregate with their friends but have little division of labor except possibly a leaders Part 6

    7. D. Crew • A deviant group of 3-12 persons who band together to engage in more sophisticated deviant acts with larger monetary payoffs such as theft, smuggling, hustling at gambling • Especially fascinating to media and the public, crew deviance involves a complex division of labor involving specialized training and socialization Part 6

    8. E. Formal Organizations • Larger than crews and extending over time and space, this category includes Cosa Nostra Mafia “families” and the Columbian drug cartels • Such organizations may involve transnational links to other similar groups • They are much larger than crews & may have 100 or more members • They are ethnically homogenous, employ violence & are vertically & horizontally stratified, and have been known to infiltrate and corrupt law enforcement Part 6

    9. F. White-Collar Crime • Legitimate persons and organizations may engage in deviant acts although these may be an occasional or “side” activity to their main activity • This is crime that is directly related to those privileged persons and groups in a position to abuse financial, organizational or political power • Such deviance may be financial but may also extend to bodily injury and death • White collar crime can be divided into two main subsections: occupational and organizational crime Part 6

    10. G. Occupational Crime • Pursued by persons acting on their own behalf • This includes employees at all levels of organizations who may steal from their companies, including embezzlement & computer crimes • Corporate executives at firms such as Enron, Tyco, and WorldCom looted their companies, shareholders & employee retirement plans through fraudulent accounting, offshore & dummy corporations to live in high style Part 6

    11. G. Occupational Crime • Persons in charge of purchasing for their firms are in a position to accept bribes to give business to its vendors • In government sector persons evade taxes through offshore companies and false tax shelters often sold to them by accounting and brokerage firms who charge millions for their services • Politicians may sell political power such as awarding of military contracts Part 6

    12. G. Occupational Crime • Professionals may collect money for their individual benefit such as doctors who accept gifts from drug companies to steer patients toward the use of their drugs • This includes a stockbroker who may engage in insider trading (e.g., Martha Stewart case) • Physicians who overcharge and/or over-service patients with Medicare/Medicaid fraud Part 6

    13. H. Organizational Crime • Crime committed with support of a legitimate formal organization & designed to advance goals of the firm or agency • Examples: false advertising, fraud, Antitrust violations, corruption pertaining to government contracts • Unsafe products represent another area: drugs, auto and tire industry, medical products Part 6

    14. H. Organizational Crime • Worker safety violations & unsafe working conditions result in hundreds of deaths and thousands of injuries annually • including but not limited to coal mining, oil and chemical industries, nuclear power plants, pesticide manufacturers • Government activity such as illegal domestic or international police or military operations • Secret FBI files, Iran-Contra scandal, secret CIA prisons, etc Part 6

    15. Drug Use & Disordered Eating Among College WomenSirles Part VI Chapter 32

    16. Most research focuses on either eating disorders or drug use. • This study reports original research on college women who used licit pharmaceutical drugs or illicit street drugs in an ongoing effort to manage their body weight. • Evidence of eating disorders since ancient times, but before the late 1960s, virtually unknown to the general public. • Diagnosis of anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa & other eating related medical syndromes skyrocketed during the 1970s Part 6: Ch. 32

    17. I. The Study Part 6: Ch. 32

    18. A. Methods • In-depth life-history interviews conducted with 57 college-age women at large, public university (N=57) • Freshman to seniors, living on & off campus • Ages 18-25 years • From middle to upper-middle SES groups • Convenience sampling given difficulty of finding participants • Semi-structured interviews Part 6: Ch. 32

    19. II. Instrumental Drug Users Part 6: Ch. 32

    20. A. Types of Drugs • Licit: pharmaceutical, generally prescribed • Illicit: “street” drugs Part 6: Ch. 32

    21. B. Instrumental Users • Instrumental: motivation to use predicated on substances’ specific effects • Instrumental drug-using women varied according to temporal nature: • Some reported disordered eating before onset of drug use • Others reported development of non-normative weight managing behaviors after a period of drug use Part 6: Ch. 32

    22. III. Typology of Users Part 6: Ch. 32

    23. A. Conventional Over-Conformists • Reported history (foundation) of disordered eating prior to instrumental prescription drug use for weight loss • Conventional in that they used more socially acceptable Rx drugs instead of street drugs • Overall motivation – achieving cultural ideal of thinness, thus the goal was to conform • Conforming became over-conforming • Most presented as thin, but not too thin • Largest category in typology (n = 24) Part 6: Ch. 32

    24. B. Scroungers • Reported foundation of disordered eating after turning to street drugs for weight control • Drugs used were described as “dirty,” “unacceptable” & “inappropriate” • Access to drugs not as reliable or consistent, thus they scrounged to find them • Second largest category of instrumental users (n = 13) Part 6: Ch. 32

    25. C. Journeyers • Those whose drug use pattern “journeyed” or “evolved” • Used Rx drugs recreationally or medicinally prior to their instrumental use for weight control • Journeyers comprised smaller typology (n = 11) Part 6: Ch. 32

    26. D. Opportunists • Engaged in substance use before they turned into instrumental drug users • Initially used street drugs recreationally & later instrumental patterns for weight control purposes • Smallest category (n = 9) Part 6: Ch. 32

    27. Part 6: Ch. 32

    28. IV. Solitary Deviance Part 6: Ch. 32

    29. A. Solitary Deviance Defined • Individuals engaged in deviance alone as “loners” (Best & Luckenbill, 1980) • Examples: sexual asphyxiates, self-injurers, substance abusing pharmacists, embezzlers, anorectics & bulimics • Solitary operators act alone & don’t associate with deviant others, while subcultural participants acted alone but their behaviors heavily influenced by group memberships (Prus & Grills, 2003) Part 6: Ch. 32

    30. B. Loners & Secrecy • Lies & secrecy employed by participants in this research • They kept their deviant behaviors hidden • Many feared if others found out about their instrumental drug use, they would be forced to stop • Chose loner lifestyle to avert potential negative consequences • Online communities (“pro-anorexia” & “pro-bulimia”) provide community of support that encourages their deviance Part 6: Ch. 32

    31. B. Loners & Secrecy • Often embarrassed about methods of weight control • Other methods employed by participants to control weight: • Severe caloric restriction • Episodes of bingeing & purging • Laxative abuse • Cigarette smoking • Dishonesty in the course of medical care • Obsessive thoughts about weight & body management Part 6: Ch. 32

    32. B. Loners & Secrecy • In general, research participants were high achievers or perfectionists, included: • Honor students • College athletes • Social leaders • Award winners • Future professionals Part 6: Ch. 32

    33. C. Secrecy Among Licit Users • Participants worried that instrumental drug use would be associated with disordered eating, which was generally negatively stigmatized • Obtaining their medications entailed lies & secrecy: • Visiting campus clinic during the week • Created alibis for such visits Part 6: Ch. 32

    34. D. Secrecy Among Illicit Users • Different kind of secrecy employed in that street drug illegal & frowned upon socially • Had to access those who valued and used psychoactive substances • Secrecy about their drug use dropped when around others who engaged Part 6: Ch. 32

    35. V. Social Isolation Part 6: Ch. 32

    36. This was voluntary during episodes of drug use • Fear of others finding out would result in benefits of weight control diminishing Part 6: Ch. 32

    37. VI. Practical Hurdles Part 6: Ch. 32

    38. A. Health Consequences of Drug Use • Participants not truthful with medical personnel thus they were forced to rely on self-created systems of interpreting signs & signals regarding changes in their bodies • Rx users too felt the need to withhold negative information from their doctors • Most Rx users went to psychiatrists, thus no physical exams conducted to make sure they were “fit” enough to take medication • All users reported effects on their moods & energy levels Part 6: Ch. 32

    39. B. Financing Drug Use • Costs varied depending on dosages of drug use & specific substances • On average, cocaine users spent more for their supply ($50-$100 per gram) • Rx users costs’ varied (estimated $40-$200/mo) • Some given generous allowances, others worked • None engaged in selling to support drug use • Some played “middleman” role hooking sellers with users without benefits for themselves • But more time they spent with dealers & drug subculture, less their drugs costs Part 6: Ch. 32

    40. B. Financing Drug Use • Rx drug users filled prescriptions & the cost varied depending on whether they had health insurance • Patterns of use depended on supply – the more available the more they did, however, money was not a significant concern for participants • Overall, financing drug use didn’t force illicit drug users out of their deviant careers Part 6: Ch. 32

    41. Review Questions • How does this form of deviance differ from other forms in the context of its stigmatizing effects? • What were some of the major differences among illicit & licit drug users? Part 6: Ch. 32

    42. Cyber Communities of Self-Injury Adler & Adler Part VI Chapter 33

    43. I. Self-Injurers Part 6: Ch. 33

    44. A. Characteristics • Those who cut, burn, brand, pick at, or otherwise injure themselves in a deliberate but non-suicidal attempt to achieve relief by harming themselves • They grew from relatively small & unknown population into a burgeoning but largely secretive group in the late 1990s Part 6: Ch. 33

    45. A. Characteristics • The early 2000s saw rise of online communities of self-injurers • first just as places where individuals could find each other and gain non-judgmental acceptance • later as support groups composed of like-minded others. • Self-injurers thus represent a hybrid associational form, behaving as loners in the solid world and colleagues in the cyber world. Part 6: Ch. 33

    46. II. The Study Part 6: Ch. 33

    47. A. Data Analysis / Methods • In-depth interviews with 25 self-injurers conducted between 2001 to 2004 (N = 25) • Ages 16-35 years with most given up behavior • Self-injury for most occurred in middle & high school, with just a few continuing past that age • Three-quarters women, all white • Convenience sampling used • Focus on loner self-injurers – 80% of total Part 6: Ch. 33

    48. A. Data Analysis / Methods • Characteristics of loners outlined • Describes ways self-injurers are similar & differ from Best & Luckenbill’s (1982) ideal typical model: where some deviants organize & commit their acts as loners, without the support of fellow deviants Part 6: Ch. 33

    49. III. The Social Organization of Solitary Deviance Part 6: Ch. 33

    50. A. Reasons for Self Injury • Depression, alienation, rebellion, malaise • A form of comfort during stressful periods Part 6: Ch. 33