“ Inter-ethnic political and policy engagement of British Gypsies, Travellers and Roma”.

1. IDRICS reflects the organisation’s recognition of he importance of inclusivity, celebration of diversity and community engagement in all aspects of Buckinghamshire New University’s work and expertise in offering research, consultancy, evaluations, teaching and learning opportunities and partnership work in the following areas:

2. “Inter-ethnic political and policy engagement ofBritish Gypsies, Travellers and Roma”. The actors' point of view 1 Thursday 5th December 2013

3. Format • Context Setting • Gender & Routes into Activism/Policy Engagement • Intersectional Barriers to Activism • The Intra-Communal Benefits of Activism • Inter-Community Political Engagement and ‘next steps’ • Conclusion

4. Context Setting • Gypsies/Traveller/Roma (use of preferred UK terminology) • Other than rarely Gypsies/Travellers do not experience the depth of exclusion/racist violence found elsewhere in Europe (FRA 2011) • G/T communities deeply marginalised and excluded across multiple domains of health, education, access to employment, accommodation, experiences of enacted discriminaton and entrenched anti-Tziganism/racism (Cemlyn et. al., 2009) • October-November 2013 – rise in racist discourse pre lifting of ‘free movement’ controls on Romanian/Bulgarian migrants • FRA (2011) calculated 24% Roma employment rate across Europe – UK broadly similar with around 60% unemployment reported from a series of data sets. • Literacy rates improving but around 1/3 (GTAA data) respondents functionally illiterate • In UK context GT women more likely to be politically engaged than men (Roma migrants more male ‘leaders’/spokespeople) • Women’s experiences of work/income generation highly gendered and impacted by caring responsibilities – goes to heart of identity and ability to engage politically.

5. Gender and ‘out of home’ Activities UK • GTAA evidence and follow-up/specialist studies such as Smith and Greenfields (2012); Greenfields (2008) support changing perceptions of gendered ‘external engagement‘ (particularly with reference to employment cf Okely, 1983). • Increased unemployment and diminishing of ‘traditional households’/transfer to housing/’site’ reduction impacted whole family structures • Retrenchment of gendered practices and concerns over ’shaming’ a spouse impact on female employment/activism practices .v. increased level of female political and policy activity (Irish Traveller/Romany Gypsy) • Roma activism – relatively new phenomenon and led by migrant Roma elite in urban contexts

6. Youth activism linked to maternal aspirations/access to role models • Some evidence (GTAA/Greenfields and Smith, 2010-11) of women encouraging daughters to consider employment/training options: “just in case you get a bad one – I don’t want her to be stuck like me with no work and nothing” • Women in all study areas more willing than men to take paid employment rather than opt for self-employment. However peer attitudes towards married women working did make it difficult for many to find work outside family-based economic practices: • “you’ve only got so long to have a career - to train - if you are a Travelling girl and married at 18 – it’s not worth it” • ‘Respectable’ opportunities for young women to access employment and training include participation in NGO projects which include policy and political activities - evidence of subsequent entry to community, legal and HE settings for youth activists with intern experience

7. The Political and Policy Activism: the UK picture • 1997-2004 GTLRC – network hub focussed on law reform re site provision • Participants predominantly male, older Romany Gypsies [post 1971 model of Gypsy/Traveller organisation] • Tensions within groups – limited participation Roma and New Traveller • 1997-20010 New Labour policy regime – increased opportunities for policy engagement (APPG etc) • Fragmentation of network and re-formulation into Regional/local grouping • Post 2010 (Coalition government) recognition of importance of ‘communal voice’ increased contact with Roma organisations re shared exclusions

8. TEIP (2011) TAT (2011/2012) and subsequent work by Ryder (2011/12) on GT third sector groups and community organisations has found proliferation on ‘localised’ and family-based groups in past 7-8 years. TAT has been active in working with organisations emerging from the Traveller Law Reform Coalition (e.g. National Federation groups) to coordinate political focus around key policy themes (see further Alexander and Greenfields, forthcoming 2014) Activists attending network and hub meetings drawn mainly from older community members (2:1) female engaged in policy around ‘site’ provision – other areas of interest under development (e.g. health/employment and education). Emergent youth activism (typically located in larger scale policy/practice groups – non GTR led - offering intern opportunities)

9. State Economic Interventions: Women’s Activism and Employment • Under the Labour administration (1997-2010) exponential growth in community development funding and growth in women’s employment/volunteering options (Ryder & Greenfields, 2010) • Amongst the female ‘waged’ sample in the TEIP project (Ryder & Greenfields, 2010) strong evidence of close bonding capital utilised to access to work in the ‘community’ sector. • Around 25% interviewees no formal education; remainder predominantly ended at primary school age; small minority held practical qualifications – none with academic qualifications. • Projects funded by DH/CLG/DWP etc..

10. Significant number of women became activists following personal experience of legal battles over accommodation (Smith-Bendell & Richardson, 2012; Smith & Greenfields, 2013) or in a drive to improve their children’s life-chances. • Findings from the studies under consideration commensurate with reports/papers (Kóczé with Popa, 2009; Oprea, 2012; 2004; Stancu, 2013; ERTF/IRWN 2013) which indicate developing and active Women’s movement amongst Roma in Europe and spread of practice models – early stage transition from localised concerns to wider political engagement (e,g via APPGs) • “there is an emergence of a small but significant number of community activists who are taking an increasingly important role in… fighting for the rights of their communities. Most but not all are young women who are taking difficult decisions relating to their future, they are giving the campaign for rights priority over the expectation that they marry and start a family”(Foster & Norton, 2012:97)

11. Routes into Activism • Volunteering was found to be an important first step to employment - one third of the overall TEIP sample reported that they had found volunteering and activism invaluable preparation for their work. • Noticeably a significant number of women who made the first transition to community work were either married to ‘gorjes’; divorced or widowed, older with grown-up children; and/or lived outside of close-knit site communities (in housing) and were thus less constrained by gendered/community expectations. • Subsequently these women could act as a bridge for younger women engaging with employment/activism (see above). • “If it hadn’t been for my aunty being involved as a volunteer and knowing them all I’d not even have thought of it – she said ‘they’re alright - it’s all Travelling people and them as knows us – come along – you might learn something’ – so I thought why not give it a try” (cf Schultz, 2012 – inter-ethnic feminist engagement) • “It is alright for women to work for your own community because it is a matter of trust – but what your husband would think if it was out in a shop or a pub for another community…… well that wouldn’t be allowed”

12. Intersectional Barriers to Activism/Employment • Gendered expectations and cultural practices“she does not want or need further training or to go to college, she will remain with me at home and help with the cleaning until she is married” [nb influences young women’s career expectations re working in caring roles, substance misuse, shift work etc] (Greenfields, 2008) • Childcare responsibilities (and support for elders) re community development course: [there are several other women] ..would have loved to have done it but there was no help with the childcare” • Physical impairment impacting on ability to consistently travel/work [nb: several prominent activist women in the UK have very poor health or caring responsibilities for household members with disabilities/chronic health care] • Nb: Age – whilst 50 frequently cited as ‘old’ a number of very politically active Gypsy/Traveller women were in their 50s/60s with diminished caring responsibilities and the status of respected ‘elders’ enabling greater freedom although the influence of husbands/communities remained highly influential: • “ if [X] said you stop now, or we’re pulling [moving sites] that would be that – I’d have to go and it is only because he allows me to do this and supports me so strongly that I can do what I do” • Sexual Orientation hard to disaggregate in UK (Cemlyn et. al. 2009). Nationality/Ethnicity – some limited evidence Roma women experiencing greater ‘freedom’ in UK re employment, education, etc

13. The Intra-Communal Benefits of Activism • (Data predominantly from the SROI: Irish Traveller Movement’s Community Development Programme 2011) • Increased confidence,. • Satisfaction with their engagement in community development practice • Pride in being able to act as role models for their children • Delight in supporting their peers and community members in accessing services • “I have used my confidence to encourage other people to do the same. I feel I can talk better to people. I can use the confidence I got from doing the course to pass on the information and skills I learned on the course to the Travelling community.” • Awareness of inter-ethnic domains of exclusion and enhanced solidarity located along a nexus of class/race

14. “I was volunteering, then part-time [work] and then I got took on for a job at the council… now I don’t claim [Welfare] only child-benefit like everyone is entitled to” • Working/training within a woman’s own community enables them to take ‘chances’ in a supportive environment:“I wouldn’t have joined any other courses because I wasn’t confident enough and other courses were for non-Travellers. I felt unable to admit to not being able to read and write well among non-Travellers but this wasn’t the case [in that setting] there is no stigma” • “I’ve made that transition now into community work with a local authority project – I realise it isn’t just about what we’re experiencing so I’m making links with Black people, activists and seeing the similarities so this course has allowed me to work with my people and other communities too”

15. Inter-Community Solidarity and ‘next steps’ • Draws upon observations + distinct strand of faith-based research (ongoing 2012-13) • Linked to earlier section re: international women’s networks and the strength of inter-community action/knowledge sharing in enhancing policy engagement • Underpinning conceptualisation: consideration of potential for grass roots level inter-community policy transfer (Dolowitz & Marsh (2000); Erel (2007) located in the domain of anti-racist action. • Exponential increase in ‘acceptable’ anti-Tziganist discourse (Hammerberg, 2008) and actions of Far Right political parties (Luther, 2011; Minkenberg, 2011). • Spread of adherence throughout Europe in recent years and use of more sophisticated discourse (Carter, 2012) • Findings from pilot study (Greenfields, 2013) suggest that both Christian and Jewish activists are aware of the increasing exclusion of Roma people and seeking out inter-ethnic opportunities for political engagement. • Potential of transfer of models from wider social justice groups

16. Barriers to wider inter-ethnic engagement • Conflation of anti-racist/accommodation provision/migration discourse • Roma perceived of as a separate group from Gypsy/Traveller populations in political engagement • Language barriers • Relative recent duration of Roma migration and preponderance of male economic migration ‘voices’ • Focus on all communities on structural inequalities (in times of austerity) + competition for resources • Low political will to engage with systemic issues re: racism, accommodation and ‘invisible’ White minority status etc. • Limited administrative statistics on communities hinders ‘hard evidence’ to underpin political/policy activities • Loss of institutional memory re ‘cuts’ in services • Sometimes fragmented opinions on areas of focus (NGOs/activists) • Relatively underdeveloped nature of political engagement and consolidation of access to Governmental agencies/APPGs in few hands

17. Conclusion • For GRT Woman in highly gendered/traditional cultures volunteering offers an opportunity to step outside of culturally constraining roles and move to external political activism • Opportunities/training developed through highly bonded networks and perceived of as ‘safe’ environments • Gradual shifting of personal confidence and family acceptance of employment/activism in external roles • Part of an international movement (see increase in public discourse Autumn 2013) • Whilst drivers to work with and for Roma(ni) women must come from within the community potential exists to activate wider international solidarity networks with gorje/gadje women (Schultz, 2012) • Under developed inter-ethnic (and faith-based) networks of engagement in politics/policy but increasing interest in these fields. • Revitalisation of interest in political engagement emergent as a result of increase in Far Right discourse and waves of Roma migration.

18. Some of our partners include • Aylesbury Vale District Council • Buckinghamshire Community Foundation • Buckinghamshire County Council • Central London Community Healthcare • Comenius Regio Partnerships (through the European Commission) • Wycombe District Council • Yeading Junior School • The Traveller Movement • London Borough of Hillingdon • Independent Academic Research Studies • Childhood Bereavement Charity (training/PhD support)

19. Dr. Margaret Greenfields Professor of Social Policy & Community Engagement Research Director of IDRICS margaret.greenfields@bucks.ac.uk Follow us @_idrics www.bucks.ac.uk/idrics