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The Odd Couple: The Compatibility of Social Construction & Evolutionary Psychology

The Odd Couple: The Compatibility of Social Construction & Evolutionary Psychology. Ron Mallon University of Utah & University of Hong Kong & Stephen Stich Rutgers University. The BIG Picture: What I hope to show in this talk.

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The Odd Couple: The Compatibility of Social Construction & Evolutionary Psychology

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  1. The Odd Couple:The Compatibility of Social Construction & Evolutionary Psychology Ron Mallon University of Utah & University of Hong Kong & Stephen Stich Rutgers University

  2. The BIG Picture: What I hope to show in this talk • Evolutionary Psychologists (EPs) & Social Constructionists (SCs) seem to have deep empirical disagreements about • the extent to which normal humans share innate mental mechanisms which • were shaped by natural selection • strongly constrain our psychology, our social interactions & our institutions

  3. While there may indeed be some important disagreements between SCs & EPs on these points, there is another, less obvious issue dividing them • Aphilosophicaldisagreement about the meaning and reference of ordinary words for mental states and social phenomena – words like anger, disgust, gender & homosexuality

  4. When this philosophical dispute is made explicit, it becomes clear that nothing much turns on it, and it can be easily set aside • When the philosophical dispute has been set aside, the empirical disputes between SCs & EPs look much less serious • Rather than being adversaries, they look more like natural partners

  5. Overview of the Talk • Getting clearer on terminology (or why ‘social constructionism’ isn’t always a dirty word) • A quick sketch of some SC work on the emotions • A quick sketch of an emerging EP consensus about the emotions • What’s left to fight about? Are emotions universalor culturally local?

  6. The philosophy that underlies this dispute: The “thick description” theory of the meaning & reference of emotion terms • What it claims • How it underlies the debate over the universality vs. cultural locality debate • How to sidestep the problem posed by the thick description theory and make it clear that SCs and EPs need not be adversaries, since their theories are compatible & complement each other

  7. Getting clearer on terminology(or why ‘social constructionism’ isn’t always a dirty word) The terms Social Constructionism & Evolutionary Psychology are both used for a variety of different views Social Constructionism is sometimes used as a label for a (quite nutty) metaphysical view that denies the mind-independence of all reality These radical social constructionists think that everything is “socially constructed” including atoms, galaxies and dinosaurs

  8. I’ll be focusing on a more modest and sane (and prima facie plausible) version of SC which holds that • important features of human psychology & social life are • culturally caused and • local in character • SCs who fit this description need not endorse every aspect of what Tooby & Cosmides call the Standard Social Science Model

  9. Evolutionary Psychology is sometimes used for a specific cluster of views associated with Cosmides, Tooby & Pinker.

  10. Evolutionary Psychology is sometimes used for a specific cluster of views associated with Cosmides, Tooby & Pinker. • We think of this as High ChurchEvolutionary Psychology

  11. Evolutionary Psychology is sometimes used for a specific cluster of views associated with Cosmides, Tooby & Pinker. • We think of this as High ChurchEvolutionary Psychology • Though we don’t propose to offer a definition, our view of EP is decidedly Low Church – and more inclusive.

  12. The Social Constructionist Approach to the Emotions A primary concern of SCs concerned with the emotions is to describe the rich multifaceted, culturally local network in which the emotions are embedded. Since understanding what informants say is a matter of great importance, SCs pay careful attention to a number of aspects of emotion discourse & behavior in the target culture, including:

  13. the (often complex) circumstances under which people claim they or others experience the emotions picked out by various emotion words • the pattern of inferences drawn when someone is believed to be experiencing the emotion • the pattern of interactions that exist (or that people believe to exist) among emotions and other mental states • the ways in which both emotions & discourse about emotions interact with the moral, political & economic lives of people in that culture

  14. When done well, the resulting “ethnopsychological” accounts result in fascinating “thick descriptions” (Geertz) of patterns of interaction that differ in important ways from the patterns in which our own emotions and emotion discourse is embedded.

  15. An example: Catherine Lutz’s study of the emotions of the Ifaluk

  16. songis an Ifaluk emotion akin to (what we call) anger • it has a strong moral component • to count as feeling song an Ifaluk must be justifiably angry at another person who has engaged in morally inappropriate behavior • thus two people can’t be song at each other • there are many other Ifaluk words for emotions akin to anger that do not involve this moral dimension • there is no genericIfaluk term that picks out all these sorts of anger • one sort of behavior that can provoke song is the violation of a taboo (e.g. working in the taro garden while menstruating) • another is ker, sort of excited happiness which can produce inappropriately loud talk or “showing off”

  17. song does not lead to physical violence • it does lead to • refusal to eat or speak with the offender • gossiping about the offender • threats of fasting or even suicide • threats to burn down the offender’s house • when a person recognizes that someone’s is song is directed at them, they typically experience an emotion the Ifaluk call metagu, a sort of fear or anxiety that leads to • calmer, more appropriate behavior • corrective action • paying a fine • apologizing • sending something of value to the aggrieved parties

  18. Person 1 Person 2 Ker Misbehavior [happiness/ excitement] Misbehavior Song [justifiable anger] [fear/anxiety] Metagu Song Metagu Good, calm behavior

  19. Evolutionary Psychology: An Emerging Consensus on the Emotions Ekman: To explain his well known finding that facial expressions of some emotions are cross-cultural universals, Ekman posited that these emotions are subserved by affect programs • largely automated or involuntary suites of coordinated emotional responses • subserved by innate mental mechanisms that are the product of natural selection • present in all normal members of the species

  20. downstream of the affect program, the behavior that an emotion produces is strongly influenced by culture • display rules • posture, tone of voice • self reports • more complex patterns of cognitive, behavioral & social activity

  21. upstream • Ekman posited an “appraisal mechanism” which monitors stimuli & triggers the appropriate affect program • by the mid-1990s Ekman had come to think that just about all the activity of the appraisal mechanism is affected by culturally local factors • Lazarus proposes that the emotion triggering mechanism includes an innate set of abstractly characterized conditions (“core relational themes”) • Anger: A demeaning offense against me & mine • Fear: An immediate, concrete & overwhelming danger • Sadness: Having experienced an irrevocable loss • determining when these conditions have been satisfied requires culturally local beliefs & information about culturally local norms, goals & values

  22. Measurable Recruited Response Tendencies Antecedent responses Conditions Subjective Self-Report Experience Interpersonal Facial Facial Program Expression Emotion Prototype Voice Tone Vocalization Program Intrapersonal Motor Motor Behavior Program Physiologic Physiologic response Support Appraisal System Cultural learning: Display and feeling rules Robert Levenson’s Ekman-Inspired Bio-Cultural Model

  23. Measurable Recruited Response Tendencies Antecedent responses Conditions Subjective Self-Report Experience Interpersonal Facial Facial Program Expression Emotion Prototype Voice Tone Vocalization Program Intrapersonal Motor Motor Behavior Program Physiologic Physiologic response Support Appraisal System Cultural learning: Display and feeling rules Robert Levenson’s Ekman-Inspired Bio-Cultural Model AffectProgram

  24. Norms Values Goals Beliefs Subjective Self-Report Experience Interpersonal Facial Facial Program Expression Emotion Prototype Voice Tone Vocalization Program Intrapersonal Motor Motor Behavior Program Physiologic Physiologic response Support Appraisal System Cultural learning: Display and feeling rules

  25. Norms Values Goals Beliefs Subjective Self-Report Experience Interpersonal Facial Facial Program Expression Emotion Prototype Voice Tone Vocalization Program Intrapersonal Motor Motor Behavior Program Physiologic Physiologic response Support Appraisal System Cultural learning: Display and feeling rules

  26. Norms Values Goals Beliefs Downstream Cognitive & Social Activity Subjective Self-Report Experience Interpersonal Facial Facial Program Expression Emotion Prototype Voice Tone Vocalization Program Intrapersonal Motor Motor Behavior Program Physiologic Physiologic response Support Appraisal System Cultural learning: Display and feeling rules

  27. Norms Values Goals Beliefs Downstream Cognitive & Social Activity Subjective Self-Report Experience Interpersonal Facial Facial Program Expression Emotion Prototype Voice Tone Vocalization Program Intrapersonal Motor Motor Behavior Program Physiologic Physiologic response Support Appraisal System Cultural learning: Display and feeling rules

  28. What’s Left to Fight About?Are emotions universal or culturally local? Far from being incompatible with each other, it looks like the evolutionary psychology and social constructionist approaches to the emotions are complementary • ethnopsychologies like the one that Lutz provides provide details about culturally local aspects of belief, values, etc. • Cognitive models like Levinson’s give an account of the psychological mechanisms underlying emotions & explain how innate, evolved mechanisms interact with culturally local beliefs & values.

  29. Norms Values Goals Beliefs Downstream Cognitive & Social Activity Subjective Self-Report Experience Interpersonal Facial Facial Program Expression Emotion Prototype Voice Tone Vocalization Program Intrapersonal Motor Motor Behavior Program Physiologic Physiologic response Support Appraisal System Cultural learning: Display and feeling rules

  30. So what’s left to fight about? • Evolutionary psychologists maintain that central parts of the emotion system are innate and present in all normal humans, and when they are triggered they produce emotions (like fear, anger & sadness) which are cultural universals. • Since these mechanisms are homologous to mechanisms in other species, many non-human animals also experience emotions.

  31. Social constructionists insist that emotions are a culturally local phenomenon and thus that people very different cultures have very different emotions. • song & metagu are Ifaluk emotions which outsiders do not experience • amae (a pleasant sense of helplessness and desire to be loved) is Japanese emotion which Westerners do not experience (Harré) • accidie (boredom or disgust with fulfilling one’s religious duty) is an emotion that was once common in the West but has now disappeared.

  32. anger is unknown among the Inuit (Briggs); “anger, as a specific emotion, is not universal across cultures (Averill) • sadness does not exist among Tahitians (Levy) • there are no universal emotions and there may well be some cultures in which there are no emotions at all (Shweder)

  33. What’s Going On Here? The philosophical issue that underlies the dispute Far from being incompatible with each other, it looks like the evolutionary psychology and social constructionist approaches to the emotions are complementary • ethnopsychologies like the one that Lutz provides provide details about culturally local aspects of belief, values, etc. • Cognitive models like Levinson’s give an account of the psychological mechanisms underlying emotions & explain how innate, evolved mechanisms interact with culturally local beliefs & values.

  34. So why do they disagree about the universality or cultural locality of emotions?

  35. So why do they disagree about the universality or cultural locality of emotions? Blame Canada Philosophy

  36. The most widely discussed philosophical account of the meaning & reference of terms for the emotions & other mental or psychological states is due to David Lewis David K. Lewis 1941-2001

  37. jargon: • meaning is (roughly) what a person must know to understand the term • reference is what the term picks out • meaning ≠ reference: ‘the morning star’ & ‘the evening star’ have the same reference, but different meaning

  38. some central ideas of Lewis’ theory • ordinary language “mental state” terms can be treated as theoretical terms • theoretical terms are implicitly defined by the theory in which they are embedded • the definition is just a long description that includes everything the theory claims about the thing the term refers to • so I will call this sort of theory about the meaning of a theoretical term a description theory • these implicit definitions are holisticbecause (i) the theory implicitly defines all of its theoretical terms, and (ii) the entire theory contributes to the meaning of every theoretical term

  39. the theory which implicitly defines mental state terms iscommonsense psychology= “our extensive, shared understanding of how we work mentally” which is “common knowledge among us” (Lewis) • mental state terms express “package deal concepts” since commonsense psychology provides an implicit definition for all of them • if Lewis’ theory is correct then a culture’s folk psychological theory implicitly defines the emotion words they use

  40. Ethnopsychologies like the one provided by Lutz are intended inter alia to provide an account of the culture’s folk psychology (their shared understanding of how they work mentally) • Question: How much of the detail in a rich ethno-psychology contributes to the meaning of ordinary mental state terms? austere opulent description theories description theories

  41. What about reference? • since the meaning of a “theoretical” term is given by a long description, the natural idea (& the one urged by Lewis) is that the term refers to whatever fits the description • but we can’t require the fit to be perfect, since if we did, then any small error in the theory would make all the theoretical terms refer to nothing • Lewis suggests that a term refers to whatever more or less fits the description – but that is intentionally vague

  42. high accuracy at one end of the spectrum are high accuracy accounts of reference that require that most descriptions fit; at the other end are low accuracy accounts that allow a referent to fit many fewer descriptions low accuracy

  43. high accuracy low accuracy austere opulent

  44. high accuracy thick description low accuracy austere opulent a thick description account of the meaning & reference of ordinary mental state terms is opulent & high accuracy

  45. But what does all this have to do with the dispute about whether emotions are universal or culturally local? • Assume that thick description account is correct

  46. Among the Ifaluk it is common knowledge (i.e. part of their folk psychological theory) that • if a woman goes into the taro garden when she is menstruating, it will provoke song • if a man goes into the birthing house, it will provoke song • if you are really song at me, I can’t be song at you • when a person realizes that someone is song at him, he typically experiences metagu • etc., etc., …. • There is no emotion, among us, that fits all of these descriptions • So there is no emotion in our culture that counts as an instance of song; song does not exist here.

  47. Much the same argument can be run in the opposite direction • Among us, it is common knowledge (i.e. part of our folk psychological theory) that • if someone shouts racial epithets it is likely to provoke anger • if some gives someone else “the finger” it is likely to provoke anger • if you are really angry at me, I can be angry at you too • when one person provokes anger in another person, it will often lead to a heated exchange of words and will occasionally lead to physical confrontation & violence • etc., etc., …. • There is no emotion among the Ifaluk that fits all of these descriptions • So there is no emotion among the Ifaluk that counts as an instance of anger; anger does not exist among the Ifaluk.

  48. N. B. These arguments make no assumptions at all about the psychological mechanisms underlying the emotions. Thus they are compatible with any account of those mechanisms, including the account favored by evolutionary psychologists. • All that the arguments require are • the thick description account of meaning & reference • the fact that there are substantial differences between our folk psychology (= what we commonly believed about mental states) and Ifaluk folk psychology (= what they commonly believe)

  49. Is this the argument that leads Social Constructionists to the conclusion that emotions are culturally local? • Though they don’t use the philosophical jargon (or take account of important philosophical distinctions like meaning vs. reference) a good case can be made that they do indeed have something like this argument in mind.

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