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Nominal categories

Nominal categories

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Nominal categories

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  1. Nominal categories Holger Diessel University of Jena holger.diessel@uni-jena.de http://www.holger-diessel.de/

  2. Nominal categories • Number • Case • Gender/noun class

  3. Number Horse SG Horse-s PL Tümpisa Shoshone (Uto-Aztecan) (1) kapaayu-Ø a/the horse (2) kapaayu-angku two horses (3) kapaayu-ammü (more than two) horses

  4. Number Hawaiian (Austronesian) (1) ‘elau a‘l mau i‘a two my PL fish ‘my two fish’

  5. Core cases Luiseno (Uto-Aztecan) (1)?áşwut kasila-y toow.q eagle lizard-OBJ see.SG ‘The eagle sees the lizard.’ Mojave (Yuman) (2) hatčq-č poč taver.m dog-SUBJ cat chase.PRS/PST ‘The dog chased the cat.’ Latin (IE) (3) equ-us reg-em vīd Horse-NOM king-ACC see.PERF.3SG ‘The horse saw the king.’

  6. Core cases

  7. Case markers Japanese (1) John ga Mary o but-ta John SUBJ Mary OBJ hit-PST ‘John hit Mary.’ English (1) I saw the Queen’s crown. (2) I saw the Queen of England’s crown.

  8. Case markers Kanuri (Nilotic) (1) kâm-ga rúskena man-OBJ I.saw ‘I saw the man.’ (2) [kâm kúrà]-ga rúskena man big-OBJ I.saw ‘I saw the big man.’ (3) [fátô [kâm kúrà]-ve]-ga rúskena Compound man big-GEN-OBJ I.saw ‘I saw the big man’s compound.’

  9. Dative and instrumental case Latin (IE) (1) puell-ae pecūni-am da-t girl-DAT money-ACC give-3S ‘He gives money to the girl.’ Dative = IO Yareba (Papua New Guinea) (2) dana boro auri-ma yanai he pig spear-INST spear.3S ‘He killed the pig with a spear.’ Instrument

  10. Locative case Quechua (1) Utavalu-li kawasa-ni Otavalo-in live-1 ‘I live in Otavalo.’ (2) Utavalo-mando shamu-ni Otavalo-from come-1 ‘I come from Otavalo.’ (3) wasi ladu-pi house near-at ‘near the house’

  11. Genitive case (1) Jena’s mayor (2) The mayor of Jena • SUBJ, OBJ, IO, INST, LOC indicate relationships between nominal referents and the verb • GEN case indicates relationships between two nominal referents

  12. Possessive markers Masalit (Nilotic) (1) leri-mbe donkey-1SG ‘my donkey’ (2) leri-na donkey-2SG ‘your donkey’ (3) leri-ta donkey-3SG ‘his/her donkey’

  13. Alienable vs. inalienable possession Cree (Algonquian)

  14. Alienable vs. inalienable possession Cree (Algonquian)

  15. Gender (1) Der Mann (2) Die Frau (3) Das Mädchen

  16. Noun class Dyirbal (Pama-Nyungan) (1) a. bayi yara b. bayi yamani MASC man MASC rainbow ‘the/a man’ ‘the/a rainbow’ (2) balan dugumbil FEM woman ‘the/a woman’ (3) balam miran PLANT black.bean ‘black bean’ (4) bala dawun INAN dilly bag ‘the/a dilly bag’

  17. Classifier Mandarin (Sinitic) (1) sān-ge rén Three-CLASS person ‘three people’ (2) zhèi-zhǎn dēng This-CLASS lamp ‘this lamp’ (3) zhèi-ge yǐzi This-CLASS chair ‘this chair’ (4) nèi-tiáo niú That-CLASS cow ‘that cow’

  18. Definiteness Swedish (1) hus-et house-DEF ‘the house’ (2) hus-en house-INDEF ‘a house’

  19. Noun phrase • articles • demonstratives • adjectives • genitive attributes • prepositional phrases • relative clauses

  20. Noun phrase NP N PP NP N N N DET ADJ N N P DET ADJ N The young man’s dream of a good life

  21. Discontinuous NPs Wardaman (Pama-Nyungan) (1) dang-nyi wunggun-bu-ndi yibiyan-yi Yonder-ERG 3SG:3NON.SG-hit-PST man-ERG ‛That man hit them.’ (2) Peter hat Susanne das Buch gegeben (3) The book Peter was talking about.

  22. Discontinuous NPs Das geistig Zusammengehörende steht beieinander. [Behagel 1923-32]

  23. Pronouns Holger Diessel University of Jena holger.diessel@uni-jena.de http://www.holger-diessel.de/

  24. Pronouns • personal pronouns • possessive pronouns • relative pronouns • indefinite pronouns • demonstrative pronouns • interrogative pronouns

  25. Personal pronouns (1) The man saw the woman. He/shesaw him/her.

  26. Personal pronouns German (1) Ich sing-e du sing-st er sing-t wir sing-en ihr sing-t sie sing-en syncretism

  27. Personal pronouns Finnish (Uralic) (1) laul-an I sing laula-t You sing laula-vi He sings laula-mme We wing laula-tte You sing laula-vat They sing

  28. Personal pronouns Swahili (Niger-Congo) (1) a-li-ni-piga 3SG.SUBJ-PST-1SG.OBJ-hit ‘He/she hit me.’ pro drop (2) u-ta-ni-penda You will like me a-ta-ni-penda He will like me a-ta-ku-penda He will like you a-ta-m-penda He will like him a-ta-ku-penda I will like you a-ta-m-penda I will like him u-ta-m-penda You will like him

  29. Possessive pronouns

  30. Relative pronouns (1) The man who(m) I saw. (2) The bike that I bought.

  31. Indefinite pronouns

  32. Indefinite pronouns

  33. Interrogative pronouns (1) What did you talk about __ in class? Mandarin (Sinitic) (2) wǒ qĭng shéi chī fan I invite whom eat food ‘Whom did I invite to eat.’ in situ

  34. Demonstrative pronouns

  35. Demonstrative pronouns

  36. The relationship between demonstratives and interrogatives

  37. Demonstratives and interrogatives Demonstrative pronouns Interrogative pronouns Third person pronouns Relative pronouns Indefinite pronouns Possessive pronouns

  38. Demonstratives and interrogatives (1) der da (2) celui-ci/là (3) denhär/dendär reinforcement

  39. Demonstratives and interrogatives Although demonstratives and interrogatives are not diachronically related, they are strikingly similar across languages. Why?

  40. Demonstratives and interrogatives

  41. Demonstratives and interrogatives

  42. Demonstratives and interrogatives

  43. Demonstratives and interrogatives

  44. Demonstratives and interrogatives

  45. Demonstratives and interrogatives

  46. Demonstratives and interrogatives

  47. Demonstratives and interrogatives • Interrogatives tend to distinguish between human (who) and nonhuman (what) referents. • Demonstratives are deictic, i.e. they distinguish between proximal and distal forms.

  48. Demonstratives and interrogatives Both demonstratives and interrogatives are directives. They function to draw the hearer’s attention on entities that previously were not activated or in focus.

  49. Demonstratives and interrogatives Demonstratives are deictic expressions that function to establish joint attention. In order to identify the referent, the hearer can draw on information from three sources: • perceptual information from the surrounding situation • contextual information from the ongoing discourse • semantic information provide by the demonstrative

  50. Demonstratives and interrogatives Like demonstratives, interrogatives can be seen as signals that instruct the hearer to search for a specific referent. However, in this case the referent is usually not present in the surrounding situation; rather, question words refer to a conceptual unit that is already in the hearer’s knowledge store. In order to find the proper element in his mental database the hearer can draw on information from two sources: • the discourse context • the semantic features of the question word