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Li8 Phonology and Morphology

Li8 Phonology and Morphology. Harmony and (under)specification. Overview. A satisfying parallel to autosegmental and non-linear phenomena already considered in this paper: harmony.

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Li8 Phonology and Morphology

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  1. Li8 Phonology and Morphology

    Harmony and (under)specification
  2. Overview A satisfying parallel to autosegmental and non-linear phenomena already considered in this paper: harmony. Introduction to the central phonological notions of underspecification and locality, which connect to the larger cognitive/philosophical/computational issues of data compression/entropy and attention/action at a distance.
  3. Harmony a system of phonological organization according to which all segments (typically vowels, but can also be consonants) are drawn from one or the other of two (possibly overlapping) sets within a harmonic span (typically a word, but can be a foot or a phrase (Hungarian)). Yakut bar-a-bɨn ‘I went’ vs olor-o-bun ‘I sat’ (Sezer & Wetzels 1986) Chumash /ha-s-xintila-waʃ/ → [haʃxintilawaʃ] ‘his former Indian name’ (Applegate 1972) Presumably originated in gradient (and perhaps strictly local) phonetic co-articulation, but quantized to manipulate contrastive phonological elements subject only to relativized locality. Applegate, R. 1972. Ineseño Chumash grammar. Doctoral dissertation, UC Berkeley. Sezer, Engin and Leo Wetzels. 1986. Derived Opacity in Yakut Vowel Harmony. Gramma 201-224.
  4. Harmonic typology vocalic [back] (Finnish, Hungarian…) [round] (Turkic, Mongolic, Yokuts, Tigrinya…) [atr] (Chukchi, Tungusic, Mongolic, Bantu…) [nasal] (Terena…) [long] (Leggbo) consonantal [back] (Karaim) [anterior] (Chumash, Navajo) [voice] [lateral] both [back] (Turkic) [nasal] (Malay, Sea Dayak, Guarani…) directionality L→R (Turkish—NB istop vs gurup), stem control (Maasai), dominant (Chukchi)
  5. VH and Tone Vowel harmony shares the basic autosegmental properties identified with tones: association of harmonic features on one tier to segmental positions on another association of this sort subject to the Line Crossing Constraint sequences of morpheme-internal harmonic features constrained by the OCP features can be underlyingly floating (harmonic) or attached (neutral)—cf Terena in practical session association of harmonic features to segments is directional (LR or RL) or asymmetric (harmonic features of dominant morphemes spread to recessive morphemes, regardless of direction)
  6. A classic case: Turkish ‘those we do not know’ know-neg-ppl-pl-1st-pl tanı-ma-dık-łar-ım-ız [+back] root ROOT-mA-DIK-LAr-Im-Iz sev-me-dikj-ler-im-iz like-neg-ppl-pl-1st-pl ‘those we do not like’ [-back] root
  7. VH as autosegmental spreading t a n ım ad ı kł a rı mı z | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X | [+back]
  8. Formal expression of VH X X (iterative LR) | [αback]
  9. Turkish Rounding Harmony X X (iterative LR) | | [αround] [+hi] (one can leave out the [+high] restriction if the harmonic vowel A is specified as [-round])
  10. Kirghiz Rounding Harmony The ordinal suffix /-InčI/ numeral ordinal gloss bir birinči one beš bešinči five altı altınčı six žıyırmıžıyırmınčı twenty üč üčünčü three tört törtünčü four toguz toguzunču nine on onunču ten The ablative suffix /-DAn/ base ablative gloss iš išten work et etten meat žıl žıldan year alma almadan apple üy üydön house köl köldön lake tuz tuzdon salt tokoy tokoydon forest qɨjɨp
  11. Kirghiz Rounding Harmony X X (iterative LR) | | [+round] [+hi] Identical to Turkish RH, but sans [+high] condition
  12. Kirghiz Rounding Harmony X X (iterative LR) | [+round] Identical to Turkish RH, but sans [+high] condition
  13. A Kirghiz derivation [+rd] [-rd] UR köz-In-DAn at-In-DAn [-bk] [+bk] Rules RH [+rd] [-rd] köz-In-DAn at-In-DAn BH [-bk] [+bk] RH [+rd] [-rd] SR közündön atından [-bk] [+bk] X X (iterative LR) | [αback] BH Morphemes round tier [+rd] [-rd] köz ‘eye’ at ‘horse’ -In- ‘possessive’ -DAn- ‘ablative’ back tier [-bk] [+bk] height tier [+hi] [-hi] X X (iterative LR) | [αround]
  14. Neutral and disharmonic vowels disharmonic vowels do have a harmonic counterpart and therefore could undergo harmony, but don’t in a particular word. disharmonic vowels appear to always be opaque and active. neutral vowels have no harmonic counterpart and therefore never alternate. neutral vowels can be either opaque or transparent. opaque vowels can be either active or inert. Examples…
  15. Disharmony: Kirghiz giju: past definite past participle verbal noun gloss bildi bilgen bilü: know berdi bergen berü: give küldü külgön külü: laugh kördü körgön körü: see kıldı kılgan kılu: do aldı algan alu: take tuttu tutkan tutu: hold boldu bolgon bolu: be
  16. Disharmonic vowels are opaque and active: Turkish
  17. Inert opaque neutral Vs [back] harmony in the Karchevan dialect of Armenian
  18. Inert opaque neutral Vs the Karchevan dialect of Armenian
  19. transparency: Lokəə 1 not an atr pair for some reason Akinlabi, Akinbiyi. 2006. Neutral Vowels in Lokaa Harmony. UC Santa Cruz: Linguistics Research Center.
  20. transparency: Lokəə 2 not an atr pair for some reason Akinlabi, Akinbiyi. 2006. Neutral Vowels in Lokaa Harmony. UC Santa Cruz: Linguistics Research Center.
  21. Conclusions Features such as [back], [round], [atr], and [nasal] can show long-distance autosegmental behavior, like tones. Strikingly, kids show it primarily with consonants, but adults primarily with vowels… Harmonic spreading interacts intriguingly with underspecification, though there are some potential problems. Whatever the analysis, harmony presents an interesting case of non-locality / action at a distance.

  22. Practical Session

    harmony
  23. Malay (Johore dialect) how does Malay harmony work? Onn, Farid. 1980. Aspects of Malay phonology and morphology. Doctoral dissertation, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi. [graphic from Jeff Heinz]
  24. Finnish 1 vowel inventory: written u o a y öäi e IPAuo̞ɑyø̞æie̞ back + + + - - - - - round + + - + + - - - high + - - + - - + - low - - + - - + - - which vowels do you expect to be neutral if Finnish has the following types of VH? [back], [round], [high] IPA values from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Finnish_phonology
  25. Finnish 2 what do the following forms imply about Finnish VH? palttina linen cloth palttina-lla-ni-han with my linen cloth, as you know värttinä-llä-ni-hän with my spinning wheel, as you know luo-da-kse-ni-ko for me to create? lyö-dä-kse-ni-kö for me to hit?
  26. Advanced harmony Terena (Arawakan, Brazil) owoku ‘his house’, õw̃õŋgu ‘my house’ emoʔu ‘his word’, ẽmõʔũ ‘my word’ floating [+nas] 1sg prefix nonprosodic [+nas] doesn’t spread and is transparent what does this imply about the workings of harmony? Odden, David. 1991. Review of Jacques Durand, Generative and non-linear phonology. Language 67.2:363-7.

  27. leftovers

    harmony
  28. Case study: Turkish allomorphy or allophony? why?
  29. Traditional linear analysis from xx problems: xx
  30. Harmonic Notation Vowels I = vowel specified only for [+high] A = vowel specified only for [-high] (it also is specified as [-round] in Turkish, but not in Kirghiz) U = vowel specified only for [+high, +round] O = vowel specified only for [-high, +round] Consonants L = l unspecified for [back] D = coronal stop unspecified for [voice] G = dorsal stop unspecified for [back] and [voice]
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