1 / 27

Family Structure, Ethnicity and the Transition to First sex in Ghana

Family Structure, Ethnicity and the Transition to First sex in Ghana. Stephen Obeng Gyimah Department of Sociology Queen’s University Kingston, On, Canada gyimahs@queensu.ca Prepared for presentation at the Social Statistics Seminar, McGill University, Montreal, November 16, 2011.

Download Presentation

Family Structure, Ethnicity and the Transition to First sex in Ghana

An Image/Link below is provided (as is) to download presentation Download Policy: Content on the Website is provided to you AS IS for your information and personal use and may not be sold / licensed / shared on other websites without getting consent from its author. Content is provided to you AS IS for your information and personal use only. Download presentation by click this link. While downloading, if for some reason you are not able to download a presentation, the publisher may have deleted the file from their server. During download, if you can't get a presentation, the file might be deleted by the publisher.

E N D

Presentation Transcript


  1. Family Structure, Ethnicity and the Transition to First sex in Ghana Stephen Obeng Gyimah Department of Sociology Queen’s University Kingston, On, Canada gyimahs@queensu.ca Prepared for presentation at the Social Statistics Seminar, McGill University, Montreal, November 16, 2011.

  2. Research context • The timing of first sex has broader socio-economic and reproductive health implications over the life course (Billy et al., 1988; Small & Luster, 1994; Blanc, 2000; Clark et al, 2006). • Early sex has been found to associate with: • increased risk of STIs including HIV/AIDS (Sonnenstein et al., 1989; Glynn et al., 2001; Drain et al., 2004; Pettifor et al., 2004; Kaestle et al., 2005) • unintended pregnancies (Zelnik & Shah, 1983; Smith, 1997; Hayes, 1987) • High maternal mortality (National Research Council, 1993) • Involvement in delinquent behavior (Koyle et al., 1989, Tilson & Larsen 2000; Armour & Hanie, 2007)

  3. Not surprisingly, understanding the transition to first sex has gained much currency in contemporary Western social science research (e.g., Upchurch et al., 1999; Teitler & Weiss, 2000; Meier, 2003). • As Zaba and colleagues (2004) point out, in the era of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, accurate monitoring of trends in age at first sex has become increasingly important as interventions target youth and discourage premarital sexual activity. • This is particularly so in sub-Saharan Africa where about 9-13% of young women had given birth by age 16 and more than 50% are married by age 20. In Ghana, about 80% of girls are married by age 20 (Clark et al., 2006; Gyimah, 2009) • And young adults account for a disproportionate share of new HIV infections in sub-Saharan Africa (UNAIDS & WHO, 2010).

  4. Among the most salient determinants of first sex timing in the Western literature is family structure. • Indeed, several studies in the US have emphasized the relevance of familial structure on adolescent health and reproductive outcomes • adolescents from two parent families have been found to be less likely to initiate sexual intercourse early compared with their peers from other familial arrangements. • The structural-functionalist school, for instance, suggests that adolescents living with both biological parents are psychosocially better adjusted and therefore less likely to become sexually active at an early age.

  5. The African family, however, is often more complex and complicated than the nucleated families in the West. Family structure often intertwines with unique kinship systems which confer asymmetric sexual expectations on adolescent boys and girls (more liberal attitudes in matrilineal groups). • Although there are a few studies in sub-Saharan on how family structure affects the transition to first sex, there is a paucity of research on the interplay between family structure and kinship system and the transition to first sex. • The questions that this paper seeks to address are the following: how does family structure impact on first sex timing? is that different in matrilineal and non-matrilineal groups? • This paper examines these questions using data from the 2004 Ghana National Survey of Adolescents

  6. Theoretical framework • Although the field of adolescent sexuality lacks a comprehensive theoretical framework, several hypotheses have emerged in the literature. • In this paper, we focus on the saliency of social processes, in particular, how familial structure influences adolescent sexual behavior. As Upchurch et al. note, not only do families provide social and economic environments and general monitoring of adolescents, they also instil and demonstrate norms and role models for sexual conduct. • Socialization (role-modeling/social learning) • Social control • Social class • Although the limitations of data do not allow a rigorous test of these hypotheses, they nonetheless provide the organizing framework for our ideas.

  7. Ethnic groups in Ghana • Ghana is a multiethnic country of about 24 million people. On the basis of language and similarities of social systems and cultural practices, four main ethno-cultural groups can be identified in Ghana (Takyi and Addai 2002; Langer 2009). These are the Akan, Mole-Dagbani, Ewe, and Ga-Adangbe. • Matrilineal and Non matrilineal groups • Matrilineal= 50% • Bring in the Gluckman Hypothesis (Takyi and Gyimah, 2007) on ethnic differences on attitudes towards sex

  8. Data and Methods • The data for the present study came from the Ghanaian component of the National Adolescent Survey conducted in 2004 among 12-19 year olds (publicly available). • Funded by the Gates Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation, and Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, the Ghanaian Survey was part of the National Survey of Adolescents undertaken in four sub-Saharan African countries to provide detailed information on adolescent risk-taking and health-seeking behaviours . • Used a two-stage stratified sample design that selected households from rural and urban clusters, 9,445 households were listed for initial screening.

  9. Data and Method • A total of 4,430 eligible adolescents were interviewed (face-to-face) with an overall response rate of 89.3 percent. Because of the sensitive nature of questions administered in the survey, the questions on first sex and other sensitive topics were asked of only those above 15 years at the time of the survey. • The analysis reported here is based only on those who completed the survey and first sex did not occur at marriage. This restriction yielded an effective sample size of 2387 composed of 51% males and 49% females.

  10. Data limitations • recall bias due to retrospective reporting. • the quality of reporting of sensitive information relating to sexual behavior could have been affected by the mode of data collection. In particular, sexual activity in sub-Saharan Africa is often under-reported among adolescent girls. • As Singh and colleagues (2000) argue, unmarried adolescents in settings where sexual relationships outside marriage are censured are likely to be reticent on sexual behaviour. • On the other hand, some young men over report their sexual activity to give the impression that they are conforming to what they think society expects of them.

  11. Measures • Respondents were asked if they had ever had sex and if so, how old they were when they had first intercourse. The dependent variable, timing of first sex, measures the duration from age 10 till the age at first sex, if they had had first sex. For censored observations, duration is measured as age at survey minus age 10. • The family-level characteristics examined were family structure, parental monitoring, whether the family talked about sex, and household wealth and class. • Family structure was derived from the question on the living arrangement of the adolescent combined with that from household heads on the nature of their relationship to the adolescent child.

  12. measures • Family structure: • both biological parents, • with biological mum, • with biological dad, • with grandparent, • with sibling, • alone, and • other living situations. • Parental monitoring index (alpha= ) • where the respondent goes out at night • what the respondent does with free time • who the respondent’s friends are.

  13. measures • Parental wealth: • The index of socioeconomic and wealth status was derived from information on 26 household assets, amenities and materials for housing using Principal Components Analysis. • The resulting single socioeconomic/wealth index, which is a linear combination of the variables on household possessions, amenities and housing materials, was then classified into three categories representing the lowest third, middle third and the top third. The bottom third was classified as “poor”, middle as “average” and the top third as “rich”.

  14. measures • Family discussions on sex:The general expectation is that positive communication about sex-related issues leads to positive behavioural outcomes, including those on sexual and reproductive health. • Control variables • Age • Religiosity • Kinship affiliation (matrilineal Akan/ non-Akan) • Childhood-current place of residence • Sex • Currently in school

  15. Living arrangement

  16. Living arrangement and premarital sex

  17. Figure 1 • Log rank test of equality of survival curves chi sq (6)=71.00***

  18. Multivariate Model • Discrete model preferred over continuous because age at first sex was reported in discrete years • The data typically have a hierarchical structure due mainly to randomly sampling households nested within clusters. To account for clustering, we specified a three-level random intercept model with respondents i, nested in households j, that are nested in survey clusters k. The model can be expressed as

  19. Different types of intra-class correlation can be estimated • For example, for the same cluster k but of different households j and j’ , we obtain • whereas for the same household j and obviously in the same community k we get ,

  20. Odds ratios (Models 1-6)

  21. Family Structure Stratified by sex

  22. Conclusions • In this paper, we examined the influence of family structure on the transition to first sexual experience for adolescents in Ghana. Guided by several theoretical frameworks and using data from the 2004 Ghana National Adolescent Survey of Youth • The results revealed that adolescents who live alone, with grandparents, or other families have a higher risk of first sex compared with those who live with biological parents. • In Models 3-6, we explore if the family structure differences are mediated or confounded by parental monitoring, family discussion on sex, and household wealth.

  23. conclusions • Although the directions of the coefficients are for the most part consistent for both males and females, some significant differences are worth highlighting. For instance, while adolescents who live alone have an elevated risk of premarital sex, the risk is higher among females than males. • Although not statistically significant at conventional alpha levels, Akan males are about 26% less likely while Akan females are about 18% more likely to have premarital sex. • In general, adolescents who are closely monitored by parents as well as those from wealthier households have a significantly lower risk.The evidence suggests that what matters is that parents keep a close eye on their children, confirming similar studies in the US. The negative association with wealth may suggest increased vulnerability due to poverty, particularly the desire for material goods among adolescent girls.

More Related