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Chapter Nine Ecologism

Chapter Nine Ecologism.

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Chapter Nine Ecologism

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  1. Chapter Nine Ecologism Introduction: Ecologism (related terms include ecological politics, political ecology, green politics, and environmental politics) is an ideology that gives moral consideration to all living creatures and the systems in which they live. Although humans are a central concern, proponents of ecologism view all life in contextual terms, assessing human socioeconomic-political perspectives within the greater framework of the ecosphere. The meaning of ecologism and that of environmentalism are overlapped. Both are concerned with environmental conservation, represented with the color green. Environmentalism belongs to the shallow green, which is a broad philosophy and social movement regarding concerns for environmental conservation. Environmentalism can also be defined as a social movement that seeks to influence the political process by lobbying, activism, and education. In recognition of humanity as a participant in ecosystems, the environmental movement is centered on ecology, health, and human rights. There are conservation movements, ecology movements, peace movements, green parties, green- and eco-anarchists who often subscribe to very different ideologies, while supporting the same goals as those who call themselves “environmentalists”. The most conspicuous is Green politics, which is a political ideology placing a high importance on environmental goals, and on achieving these goals through broad-based, grassroots, participatory democracy. Green politics is associated with the Green movement, which has been active through Green parties in many nations since the early 1980s.

  2. Section One Green Movement and Ecologism Ernst Haeckel(厄恩斯特·海克尔,德) French French Jonathon Porritt (UK)Rachel Carson (US)Edward GoldsmithE. F. SchumacherAlbert SchweitzerAldo Leopold (US) 乔纳森·波瑞特 雷切尔·卡森 爱德华·戈德斯密 恩斯特·舒马赫(UK) 阿尔伯特·史怀泽 奥尔多·利奥波德

  3. I. The rising of environmentalism and development of green politics: 1. Early philosophical and political responses toward the negative effects of industrialization: The philosophical roots of environmentalism can be traced back to enlightenment thinkers such as Rousseau (1712-1778) and, later, the naturalist Thoreau (1817-1862) in America. Organized environmentalism began in late 19th Century Europe and the United States as a reaction to the Industrial Revolution with its emphasis on unbridled economic expansion. “Green politics” first began as conservation movements. In far-right and fascist parties, nationalism has demonstratively been tied into a sort of green politics. 2. The Cold War, the predicted Nuclear Winter and the continuous deterioration of environment in the 1960s evoked fears in intellect and politics. The most notable is the Club of Roman’s 1972 book, The Limits to Growth. In politics, left-green platforms that make up the green parties drew on the science of ecology, environmentalism, deep ecology, feminism, pacifism, anti-nuclear movement, anarchism, libertarian socialism, social democracy, eco-socialism, and social ecology. In the 1970s, as these movements grew in influence, green politics arose. 3. The growth of green parties: In March 1972 the world’s first green party, the United Tasmania Group, was formed in Australia. In May 1972, in New Zealand, a meeting launched the Values Party, the world’s first countrywide green party. In 1973, Europe’s first green party, the UK’s Ecology Party, came into existence. After contesting the 1979 Euro elections German Greens identified Four Pillars of the Green Party as the basis of a platform, and first coined the term “Green”. The German Greens contended in their first national election in 1980, and won 27 seats in the Bundestag in 1983.

  4. The first Canadian foray (突袭) into green politics took place in the Maritimes (滨海诸省) when 11 independent candidates ran in the 1980 federal election under the banner of the Small Party. In Finland, in 1995, the Green League became the first European Green party to form part of a state-level Cabinet. The German Greens followed, forming a government with the Social Democratic Party of Germany (the “Red-Green Alliance”) from 1998 to 2005. Green ideology emphasizes participatory democracy and the principle of “thinking globally, acting locally”. As such, the ideal Green Party is thought to grow from the bottom up. The first Planetary Meeting of Greens was held May 30-31st,1992 in Rio de Janeiro, immediately preceding the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development held there. More than 200 Greens from 28 nations attended. The first formal Global Greens Gathering took place in Canberra(澳大利亚首都), in 2001, with more than 800 Greens from 72 countries in attendance. The second Global Green Congress was held in Sao Paolo, Brazil, in May 2008, when 75 parties were represented. Separately from the Global Green Gatherings, Global Green Meetings take place. The member parties of the Global Greens are organized into four continental federations: Federation of Green Parties of Africa, Federation of the Green Parties of the Americas, Asia-Pacific Green Network, European Federation of Green Parties.

  5. 4. Responses of the United Nations and nation states: In 1971, the UN Conference on the Human Environment commissioned a report on the state of the planet. Entitled “Only One Earth”, the report summarized the findings of 152 leading experts from 58 countries in preparation for the first UN meeting on the environment, held in Stockholm from 5 to 16 June 1972. The meeting issued the UN Stockholm Declaration on the Human Environment, and established the UN Environment Programme. In 1987, the United Nations released the Brundtland Report (Our Common Future from the United NationsWorld Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) published in 1987in recognition of former Norwegian Prime Minister Gro Harlem Brundtland's role as Chair of the WCED), which defines sustainable development as “development which meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.” The United Nations 2005 World Summit Outcome Document refers to the “interdependent and mutually reinforcing pillars” of sustainable development as economic development, social development, and environmental protection. Around the turn of the century, the United Nations held a series of meetings on environmental protection and issued UN Rio Declaration on Environment and Development (1992), UN Declaration of Barbados (1994), UN Nairobi Declaration on the Role and Mandate of the United Nations Environment Program.(1997) and UN Malmö Ministerial Declarations (2000).

  6. The Kyoto Protocol linked to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC or FCCC), aimed at combating global warming, was initially adopted on 11 December 1997 in Kyoto, Japan and entered into force on 16 February 2005. As of November 2009, 187 states have signed and ratified the protocol. The most notable non-member of the Protocol is the United States, which is a signatory of UNFCCC and was responsible for 36.1% of the 1990 emission levels. The Millennium Development Goals: At the Millennium Summit in September 2000 the largest gathering of world leaders in history adopted the UN Millennium Declaration, committing their nations to a new global partnership to reduce extreme poverty and setting out a series of targets, with a deadline of 2015, that have become known as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which set out eight Millennium Development Goals, the seventh of which is Ensure Environmental Sustainability. II. Basic characteristics of ecologism: The German Greens drafted the earliest statement of this kind, called the Four Pillars of the Green Party, which have been repeated by many green parties worldwide as a foundational statement of the green ideology: Ecological wisdom, Social justice, Grassroots democracy, Nonviolence.

  7. In 1984, the Green Committees of Correspondence in the United States expanded the Four Pillars into Ten Key Values which, in addition to the Four Pillars mentioned above, include: Decentralization, Community-based economics,Post-patriarchal values, Respect for diversity, Global responsibility, Future focus. In 2001, the Global Greens Charter identified six guiding principles: Ecological wisdom, Social justice, Participatory democracy, Nonviolence, Sustainability, Respect for diversity. 1. Ideological pluralism, compromising with all kinds of political factions. 2. Neo-radicalism or neo-utopianism. 3. Holism opposed to the analysis-induction methodology of western modern sciences, especially the mechanical linear thinking method, emphasizing cosmic wholeness and interdependence among the parts and between the parts and the whole. 4. Postmaterialism, a priority to non-material values: quality of life, culture, the preservation of the environment, opposed to reckless pursuit of materials and hedonism. Jonathon Porritt (乔纳森·波瑞特, 1950-) is an Englishenvironmentalist. He appears frequently in the media, writing in magazines, newspapers and books.

  8. III. Theoretical sources and schools of ecologism: 1. Naturalistic philosophies: Rousseau looked to a hypothetical State of Nature as a normative guide. In Discourse on the Arts and Sciences Rousseau argues that the arts and sciences arose not from authentic human needs but rather as a result of pride and vanity. Moreover, the opportunities they create for idleness and luxury have contributed to the corruption of man. He proposed that the progress of knowledge had made governments more powerful and had crushed individual liberty. In Daybreak (朝霞) Nietzsche harshly criticizes the prominent moral schemes of his day: Christianity, Kantianism, and utilitarianism. He indicates his desire to bring about a new, more naturalistic source of value in the vital impulses of life itself. Many anarchists are vegetarian or vegan (known as veganarchists) and have played a role in combating perceived injustices against animals. They usually describe the struggle for the liberation of non-human animals as a natural outgrowth of the struggle for human freedom. Systems theory is an interdisciplinary theory about the nature of complex systems in nature, society, and science, and is a framework by which one can investigate and/or describe any group of objects that work together to produce some result. Systems theory first originated in biology in the 1920s out of the need to explain the interrelatedness of organisms in ecosystems. Taoist “Harmonization of the Sky and the Human Beings” (天人合一). Confucian and American Indian “Telepathic Outlook Between Man and Heaven” (天人感应). Buddhist “no killing” (不杀生).

  9. 2. Ecologist theories: Ernst Haeckel (1834–1919) was an eminent Germanbiologist, naturalist, philosopher, physician, professor and artist who discovered, described and named thousands of new species, mapped a genealogical tree relating all life forms, and coined many terms in biology, including phylum(门), phylogeny(系), ecology and the kingdom Protista(原生生物界). Rachel Louise Carson (雷切尔·卡森, 1907–1964) was an American marine biologist and nature writer whose writings are credited with advancing the global environmental movement. In the late 1950s, Carson turned her attention to conservation and the environmental problems caused by synthetic pesticides. The result was Silent Spring (1962). Silent Spring spurred a reversal in national pesticide policy—leading to a nationwide ban on DDT and other pesticides—and the grassroots environmental movement the book inspired led to the creation of the Environmental Protection Agency. Edward Goldsmith (爱德华·戈德斯密, 1928–2009) was an Anglo-French environmentalist, writer and philosopher. He co-authored the influential Blueprint for Survival with Robert Prescott-Allen, becoming a founding member of the political party “People” (later renamed the Green Party). A Blueprint for Survival recommended that people live in small, decentralized and largely de-industrialized communities.

  10. Ernst Friedrich Schumacher (舒马赫, 1911–1977) was an internationally influential economic thinker in Britain. He is best known for his critique of western economies and his proposals for human-scale, decentralized and appropriate technologies. His 1973 book Small Is Beautiful is among the 100 most influential books published since World War II. Albert Schweitzer (史怀泽, 1875–1965) was an Alsatian German-French theologian, musician, philosopher, and physician. He received the 1952 Nobel Peace Prize in 1953 for his philosophy of “Reverence for Life”. Aldo Leopold (利奥波德, 1887–1948) was an Americanecologist, forester, and environmentalist. He was influential in the development of modern environmental ethics and in the movement for wilderness conservation. Leopold is considered to be the father of wildlife management in the United States. In “The Land Ethic”(大地倫理), a chapter of A Sand County Almanac, Leopold delves into conservation in “The Ecological Conscience” section. He wrote: “Conservation is a state of harmony between men and land.” 3. Factions of green politics: Deep ecology is an ecological philosophy (ecosophy) that considers humankind as an integral part of its environment, emphasizes the equal value of human and non-human life as well as the importance of the ecosystem and natural processes. It provides a foundation for the environmental and green movements and has led to a new system of environmental ethics.

  11. Hard green refers to a branch of the environmentalism movement that considers humans solely as a polluting influence on the environment. These people typically oppose any industrial, agricultural, or resource extraction activity at all, as well as consumerism and shopping. These views fall under vaguely developed philosophies such as “biocentrism”, which views all life as a whole as central to the planet, claiming “equal rights for all species”, and opposes viewing human society as central. This kind of group includes the Voluntary Human Extinction Movement and ecoterrorism. Shallow Ecology movement: Fight against resource depletion. Central objective: the health and affluence of people in the developed countries. Eco-socialism, Green socialism or Socialist ecology is an ideology merging aspects of Marxism, socialism, Green politics, ecology and alter-globalization. Eco-socialists generally believe that the expansion of the capitalist system is the cause of social exclusion, poverty and environmental degradation through globalization and imperialism, under the supervision of repressive states and transstatal structures; they advocate the non-violent dismantling of capitalism and the state, focusing on collective ownership of the means of production by freely associated producers and restoration of the Commons. Green liberalism is a term used to refer to liberals who have incorporated green concerns into their ideology. Green liberalism values the earth very highly, and this philosophy highly values the planet being passed down to the next generation unharmed. Green liberalism accepts that the natural world is a system in a state of flux, and does not seek to conserve the natural world as it is. However, it does seek to minimize the damage done by the human species on the natural world, and to aid the regeneration of damaged areas.

  12. Green anarchism is a school of thought within anarchism which puts an emphasis on environmental issues. An important early influence was the thought of the American individualist anarchistHenry David Thoreau(梭罗) and his book Walden(simple living). In the late XIX century there emerged an anarchist naturist current within individualist anarchist circles in France, Spain and Portugal. There is a strong critique of modern technology among green anarchists, though not all reject it entirely. Important contemporary currents are anarcho-primitivism and social ecology. Ecofeminism is a social and political movement which points to the existence of considerable common ground between environmentalism and feminism, with some currents linking deep ecology and feminism. Ecofeminists argue that a strong parallel exists between the oppression and subordination of women in families and society and the degradation of nature through the construction of differences into conceptual binaries and ideological hierarchies that allow a systematic justification of domination (“power-over power”) by subjects classed into higher-ranking categories over objects classed into lower-ranking categories (e.g. man over woman, culture over nature, white over black). They also explore the intersectionality (交互作用) between sexism, the domination of nature, racism, speciesism, and other characteristics of social inequality. In some of their current work, ecofeminists argue that the capitalist and patriarchal systems that predominate throughout the world reveal a triple domination of the Global South, women, and nature. Ecofascism can be used positively for some radical environmentalism which are openly affiliated with neo-fascism, or which share conceptual similarities with fascist theories, including various white nationalist and third positionist.

  13. Section TwoPolitical Ecology and Green Economy I. Political ecology and ecological science: 1. Definition: Political ecology is the study of the relationships of political, economic and social factors with environmental issues and changes. Political ecology differs from apolitical ecological studies by politicizing environmental issues and phenomena. The academic discipline offers wide-ranging studies conflating ecological social sciences with political economy in topics such as degradation and marginalization, environmental conflict, conservation and control, and environmental identities and social movements. The term “political ecology” was first coined by the Vienna-born Jewish American anthropologist Eric R. Wolf (艾立克·沃尔夫) in 1972 in an article titled “Ownership and Political Ecology,” in which he discusses how local rules of ownership and inheritance “mediate between the pressures emanating from the larger society and the exigencies of the local ecosystem”. Historically, political ecology has focused on phenomena in and affecting the developing world. Scholars in political ecology are drawn from a variety of academic disciplines, including geography, anthropology, development studies, political science, sociology, forestry, and environmental history. 2. The scope of political ecology: First, costs and benefits associated with environmental change are distributed unequally. Changes in the environment do not affect society in a homogenous way: political, social, and economic differences account for uneven distribution of costs and benefits.

  14. Second, political ecology runs into inherent political economies as “any change in environmental conditions must affect the political and economic status quo.” Third, the unequal distribution of costs and benefits and the reinforcing or reducing of pre-existing inequalities holds political implications in terms of the altered power relationships that now result. Fourth, political ecology attempts to provide critiques as well as alternatives in the interplay of the environment and political, economic and social factors. 3. The role of political ecology: political ecology can be used to: inform policymakers and organizations of the complexities surrounding environment and development, thereby contributing to better environmental governance. Understand the decisions that communities make about the natural environment in the context of their political environment, economic pressure, and societal regulations Look at how unequal relations in and among societies affect the natural environment, especially in context of government policy 4. Ecology or science of ecology is the interdisciplinary scientific study of the interactions between organisms and the interactions of these organisms with their environment. Its’ scope includes life processes explaining adaptations, distribution and abundance of organisms, the flux of materials and energy through living communities, the successional development of ecosystems, and the abundance and distribution of biodiversity in context of the environment.

  15. 5. Ecosystems are real places or they can be conceptually abstract schemes showing the direction and quantified amounts of energy and resources flowing through a system or network of relations. Ecosystems exist practically in conservation biology, wetland management, natural resource management (agriculture, forestry , fisheries), city planning (urban ecology), community health, economics, basic & applied science and it provides a conceptual framework for understanding and researching human social interaction (human ecology). 6. Biocentrism and biocentric, an opposite of anthtopocentrism, are terms implying a centrality of life, nature, or biology. Biocentrism is a scientific theory that posits that life creates the universe rather than the other way around. The biocentric theory proposed by American scientist Robert Lanza (兰扎) places biology before the other sciences. Anthropocentrism or anthrocentrism is the belief that humans must be considered at the center of, and above any other aspect of, reality. This concept is sometimes known as humanocentrism or human supremacy. It is especially strong in certain religious cultures, such as the Old Testament stating that God gave man dominion over all other earthly creatures.

  16. II. Green economics focuses on the importance of the health of the biosphere to human well-being. Consequently, most Greens distrust conventional capitalism, as it tends to emphasize economic growth while ignoring ecological health; the “full cost” of economic growth often includes damage to the biosphere, which is unacceptable according to green politics. Green economics considers such growth to be “uneconomic growth”— material increase that nonetheless lowers overall quality of life. Some Greens refer to productivism, consumerism and scientism as “grey”, as contrasted with “green”, economic views. “Grey” implies age, concrete, and lifelessness. Therefore, adherents to green politics advocate economic policies designed to safeguard the environment. Greens want governments to stop subsidizing companies that waste resources or pollute the natural world, subsidies that Greens refer to as “dirty subsidies”. Some currents of green politics place automobile and agribusiness subsidies in this category. Green economics is on the whole anti-globalist. Economic globalization is considered a threat to well-being, which will replace natural environments and local cultures with a single trade economy, termed the global economic monoculture. Greens on the Left are often identified as Eco-socialists, who merge ecology and environmentalism with socialism and Marxism and blame the capitalist system for environmental degradation, social injustice, inequality and conflict. Eco-capitalists, on the other hand, believe that the free market system, with some modification, is capable of addressing ecological problems.

  17. Section Three The Ecological Society and Politics I. The green social relations: Green politics is usually said to include the green anarchism, eco-anarchism, anti-nuclear, peace movements, pacifism, feminism, and the animal rights movements. Most Greens support special policy measures to empower women, especially mothers; to oppose war and de-escalate conflicts, and such radical measures as Great Ape personhood. Greens on the Left adhere to eco-socialism. This has led some on the right to refer to Greens as “watermelons” – green on the outside, red in the middle. Some centrist Greens follow more geo-libertarian views which emphasize natural capitalism – and shifting taxes away from value created by labor and charging instead for human consumption of the wealth created by the natural world. Green politics on the whole is opposed to nuclear power and the buildup of persistent organic pollutants, supporting adherence to the precautionary principle, by which technologies are rejected unless they can be proven to not cause significant harm to the health of living things or the biosphere.

  18. In the spirit of nonviolence, Green politics opposes the War on Terrorism and the curtailment of civil rights, focusing instead on nurturing deliberative democracy in war-torn regions and the construction of a civil society with an increased role for women. Although Greens in the United States “call for an end to the ‘War on Drugs’” and “for decriminalization of victimless crimes”, they also call for developing “a firm approach to law enforcement that directly addresses violent crime, including trafficking in hard drugs”. Green platforms generally favor tariffs on fossil fuels, restricting genetically modified organisms, and protections for ecoregions or communities. In keeping with their commitment to the preservation of diversity, greens are often committed to the maintenance and protection of indigenous communities, languages, and traditions. II. The green political structure---participatory democracy: Green politics emphasizes local, grassroots-level political activity and decision-making. Therefore, green politics seeks to increase the role of deliberative democracy, based on direct citizen involvement and consensus decision making, wherever it is feasible. Many Greens believe that governments should not levy taxes against strictly local production and trade. Some Greens advocate new ways of organizing authority to increase local control, including urban secession (autonomy) and bioregional democracy.

  19. Green politics also encourages political action on the individual level, such as ethical consumerism, or buying things that are made according to environmentally ethical standards. Indeed, many green parties emphasize individual and grassroots action at the local and regional levels over electoral politics. Historically, green parties have grown at the local level, only entering the national arena when there is a strong network of local support. III. The green diplomacy: Four pillars of the German Green Party: Ecological wisdom,Social justice, Grassroots democracy, Nonviolence Ten Key Values of the US Green Party ratified in 2000: Grassroots Democracy, Social Justice and Equal Opportunity, Ecological wisdom, Non-Violence, Decentralization, Community-Based Economics and Economic Justice, Feminism and Gender Equality, Respect for Diversity, Personal and Global Responsibility, Future Focus and Sustainability. Non-Violence: Demilitarize and eliminate weapons of mass destruction, without being naive about the intentions of other governments.  Recognize the need for self-defense and the defense of others. Promote non-violent methods, and will guide our actions toward lasting personal, community and global peace. Personal and Global Responsibility: We encourage individuals to act to improve their personal well-being and to enhance ecological balance and social harmony. We seek to join with people and organizations around the world to foster peace, economic justice, and the health of the planet. Green Party of Canada: We declare our commitment to non-violence and strive for a culture of peace and cooperation between states.

  20. Interpretation: Social Justice (sometimes “Social and Global Equality and Economic Justice”) is one of the Four Pillars of the Green Party and is sometimes referred to as “Social and Global Equality” or “Economic Justice”. The Canadian party defines the principle as the “equitable distribution of resources to ensure that all have full opportunities for personal and social development”. The Charter of the European Greens: Justice is also our yardstick on the international level. Worldwide sustainable development and universal human rights are at the core of our concept of global justice. These must be underpinned by an independent institutional monitoring framework for corporate social responsibility and fair trade.    The prerogative (特权) to respect diversity, often said to “begin with biodiversity” of non-human life, is basic to some 20th century studies such as cultural ecology, Queer studies, and anthropological linguistics. In various forms it is promoted by many political movements, most notably feminism, gay rights, green politics and the anti-globalization movement.    Paul Driessen (保罗·德里森,American author and lobbyist): Eco-Imperialism is a shocking, profound, and desperately needed account of what happens when the privileged Western world decides the fate of millions of people whom they never have to see or hear.

  21. Section Four Eco-Socialism Rudolf Bahro Adam Schaff William Leiss Andre Gorz Georges Labica Reiner Grundmann David Pepper 巴罗(德)  沙夫(波兰) 莱易斯(加拿大)  高兹(法) 乔治·拉比卡(法) 瑞尼尔·格伦德曼(德) 戴维·佩珀(英) Introduction: Eco-socialism, Green socialism or Socialist ecology is an ideology merging aspects of Marxism, socialism, Green politics, ecology and alter-globalization (global justice movement, global cooperation and interaction, but which opposes the negative effects of economic globalization). Eco-socialists generally believe that the expansion of the capitalist system is the cause of social exclusion, poverty and environmental degradation through globalization and imperialism, under the supervision of repressive states and transstatal structures; they advocate the non-violent dismantling of capitalism and the state, focusing on collective ownership of the means of production by freely associated producers and restoration of the Commons (平民国家).

  22. I. Formation and development of eco-socialism: 1. The first phase: Marx, Morris and influence of the Russian Revolution (1880s-1930s): Eco-socialists have revisited Marx’s writings and believe that he “was a main originator of the ecological world-view”. Some eco-socialist authors point to Marx’s discussion of a “metabolic rift” (代谢断层) between man and nature, his observation that a society must “hand it [the planet] down to succeeding generations in an improved condition”. Nonetheless, other eco-socialists feel that Marx overlooked a “recognition of nature in and for itself”, ignoring its “receptivity” and treating nature as “subjected to labor from the start” in an “entirely active relationship”. Therefore William Morris (威廉·莫里斯), the English novelist, poet and designer, is largely credited with developing key principles of what was later called eco-socialism. During the 1880s and 1890s, Morris promoted his eco-socialist ideas within the Social Democratic Federation and Socialist League. Following the Russian Revolution, some environmentalists and environmental scientists attempted to integrate ecological consciousness into Bolshevism, although many such people were later purged by the Communist Party. The “pre-revolutionary environmental movement”, encouraged by revolutionary scientist Aleksandr Bogdanov (波格丹诺夫) and the organization, made efforts to “integrate production with natural laws and limits” in the first decade of Soviet rule, before Joseph Stalin attacked ecologists and the science of ecology and the Soviet Union fell into the pseudo-science of the state biologist Trofim Lysenko (特罗菲姆·李森科, vernalization), who “set about to rearrange the Russian map” in ignorance of environmental limits.

  23. 2. the second phase: Rise of environmentalism and engagement with Marxism and socialism (1970s-1990s): In the 1970s, Barry Commoner (巴里·康门勒,1917-, an American biologist, college professor, and eco-socialist) suggested a left-wing response to the Limits to Growth model that predicted catastrophic resource depletion and spurred environmentalism, and postulated that capitalist technologies were chiefly responsible for environmental degradation, as opposed to population pressures. East German dissident writer and activist Rudolf Bahro (鲁道夫·巴罗) published books addressing the relationship between socialism and ecology - Socialism and Survival (1984) and From Red To Green (1984) - which promoted a ‘new party’ and led to his arrest, for which he gained international notoriety. At around the same time, Australian Ted Trainer (泰德·特瑞纳) called upon socialists to develop a system that met human needs, in contrast to the capitalist system of created wants. A key development in the 1980s, was the creation of the journal “Capitalism, Nature, Socialism” in short CNS and the first issue in 1988. The debates ensued led to a host of theoretical works. Adam Schaff (沙夫,1913-2006) was a Polish Marxist philosopher and a member of the Club of Roman. He was considered the official ideologue of the Polish United Workers’ Party.

  24. William Leiss (莱易斯,1939-) was a New York-born President of the Royal Society of Canada from 1999-2001. In The Domination of Nature (对自然的统治,1972), William Leiss argues that the global predicament must be understood in terms of deeply rooted attitudes towards nature: the idea of the domination of nature. He traces the idea of the domination of nature from the Renaissance to the nineteenth century. Francis Bacon’s seminal work’s momentous ambiguities in the idea were incorporated into modern thought. By the beginning of the twentieth century the concept had become firmly identified with scientific and technological progress. He puts the idea of mastery over nature into historical perspective and explores a new approach, based on the possibilities of the “liberation of nature”. The Limits to Satisfaction (满足的极限,1976): Consumerism and capitalist and socialist industry have reached the point where state power is legitimatized by its ability to increase the number of commodities. A unique culture has been created in which marketing is the main social bond. Leiss critically examines the bogus issue of false vs. true needs and shows that Critical Theory, Western Marxism and most radical sociology have been misguided in posing the question in this fashion. Ben Agger (本·阿格尔) is Professor of sociology and humanities at University of Texas at Arlington. His works include Western Marxism: An Introduction (1979). André Gorz (高兹,1923-2007) was an Austrian Frenchsocial philosopher. A supporter of Jean-Paul Sartre’s existentialist version of Marxism after World War Two, in the aftermath of the May’68 student riots, he became more concerned with political ecology. His book Ecology As Politics (1979,1975) offers a connection between the political and the ecological.

  25. 3. The third phase: Engagement with the anti-globalization movement (1990s onwards): The 1990s saw the socialist feminists address environmental issues within an eco-socialist paradigm. With the rising profile of the anti-globalization movement in the Global South, an “environmentalism of the poor”, combining ecological awareness and social justice, has also become prominent. David Pepper released his work, Ecosocialism: From Deep Ecology to Social Justice (生态社会主义:从深生态学到社会正义), in 1994, which critiques the approach of many within Green politics, particularly Deep Ecologists. In October 2007, the International Ecosocialist Network was founded in Paris. Georges Labica (拉比卡,1930 – 2009), one of France’s most important independent Marxist writers and theorists. Reiner Grundmann (格伦德曼) is a German sociologist, whose research is in the field of global environmental problems, especially global climate change. In Marxism and Ecology (1991), Grundmann argues that Marx’s theory of human nature and his evolutionary thinking are cogent tools for understanding basic traits of industrial countries and the ecological problems they produce. He challenges the widespread belief that the development of productive forces is by itself a threat to the environment. He concludes that the pursuit of productivity and the development of a healthy environment need not be mutually exclusive. David Pepper (佩珀,1948-) was the director of the British intelligence agency Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ) from 2003 to 2008. He was knighted as a KCMG (二等男勋爵士) in 2005. The Roots of Modern Environmentalism (现代环境主义的根源)by David Pepper (1984) offers an interpretation of the mass of information on the historical, philosophical and ideological background to environmentalism.

  26. Eco-Socialism: From Deep Ecology to Social Justice (1993) presents a provocatively anthropocentric analysis of the way forward for green politics and environmental movements. The author posited that the roots of ecological crisis lied in the capitalist institution, and suggested transformation of the capitalist institution, and establishing an eco-socialism characterized with anthropocentricism. II. Major theoretical points of eco-socialism: 1. The cause for the ecological issue: Merging aspects of Marxism, socialism, environmentalism and ecology, eco-socialists generally believe that the capitalist system is the cause of social exclusion, inequality and environmental degradation through globalization and imperialism under the supervision of repressive states and transstatal structures. 2. In terms of philosophical and value orientation, eco-socialism advocates anthropocentricism, in contrast with the ecocentricism of the deep green. 3. A vision for the future society: Most eco-socialists blame ecological degradation on the inclination to short-term, profit-inspired decisions inherent within a market system. For them, privatization of land strips people of their local communal resources in the name of creating markets for neo-liberal globalisation, which benefits a minority. In their view, successful commons systems have been set up around the world throughout history to manage areas cooperatively, based on long-term needs and sustainability instead of short-term profit.

  27. 4. Means to solving the ecological crisis: To get to an eco-socialist society, eco-socialists advocate working-classanti-capitalist resistance but also believe that there is potential for agency in autonomous, grassroots individuals and groups across the world who can build “prefigurative” projects for non-violent radical social change. These prefigurative steps go “beyond the market and the state” and base production on the enhancement of use values, leading to the internationalization of resistance communities in an ‘Eco-socialist Party’ or network of grassroots groups focused on non-violent, radical social transformation. An ‘Eco-socialist revolution’ is then carried out. 5. The way to the future: Eco-socialists also criticize bureaucratic and elite theories of socialism in the socialist states, and what other critics have termed Bureaucratic Collectivism or State Capitalism. Instead, eco-socialists focus on imbuing socialism with ecology while keeping the emancipative goals of ‘first-epoch’ socialism. Eco-socialists aim for a world of communal ownership of the means of production by “freely associated producers” with all forms of domination eclipsed, especially gender inequality and racism. III. Implications for eco-socialism: 1. Differences between red green parties and green parties: (1) In terms of political basis, the difference is between socialism and anarchism. (2) In terms of philosophical theory, the difference is between anthropocentricism and ecocentricism. (3) In terms of value, the difference is between modernism and postmodernism. (4) In terms of social and political practice, the difference is between radicalism and reformism.

  28. 2. Criticism against eco-socialism: Some socialists see eco-socialism as “classless ecology”, wherein eco-socialists have “given up on the working class” as the privileged agent of struggle by “borrowing bits from Marx but missing the locus of Marxist politics”. Some criticize eco-socialists for a deterministic “catastrophism” that overlooks “the countervailing tendencies of both popular struggles and the efforts of capitalist governments to rationalize the system” and the “accomplishments of the labor movement” that “demonstrate that despite the interests and desires of capitalists, progress toward social justice is possible”. Some environmentalists and conservationists have criticized eco-socialism from within the Green movement. David M. Johns (Adjunct Assistant Professor of Political Science at Portland State University)criticizes eco-socialism for not offering “suggestions about near term conservation policy” and focusing exclusively on long-term societal transformation. Johns believes that species extinction “started much earlier” than capitalism and suggests that eco-socialism neglects the fact that an ecological society will need to transcend the destructiveness found in “all large-scale societies”. Johns questions whether non-hierarchical social systems can provide for billions of people, and criticizes eco-socialists for neglecting issues of population pressure.

  29. Chapter Ten Political Science Introduction: Political science is a social science concerned with the theory and practice of politics and the description and analysis of political systems and political behavior. It is often described as the pragmatic application of the art and science of politics defined as “who gets what, when and how”, leaving out of the picture most of the “why”. Political science has several subfields, including: political theory, public policy, national politics, international relations, and comparative politics. Political science is methodologically diverse, to the discipline include classical political philosophy, interpretivism, structuralism, and behavioralism, realism, pluralism, and institutionalism. Political science, as one of the social sciences, uses methods and techniques that relate to the kinds of inquiries sought: primary sources such as historical documents and official records, secondary sources such as scholarly journal articles, survey research, statistical analysis, case studies and model building. “As a discipline” political science, possibly like the social sciences as a whole, “lives on the fault line between the ‘two cultures’ in the academy, the sciences and the humanities.” Thus, in some American colleges where there is no separate School or College of Arts and Sciences per se, political science may be a separate department housed as part of a division or school of Humanities or Liberal Arts. Political scientists study the allocation and transfer of power in decision making, the roles and systems of governance including governments and international organizations, political behavior and public policies.

  30. Section OneThe Emergence and Development of the Behaviorist Political Science Sidney Webb Beatrice Webb Graham Wallas David Easton Arthur F. Bentley Charles E. Merriam 悉尼·韦伯(英) 贝阿特丽丝·韦伯 格雷汉姆·沃拉斯 (英) 大卫·伊斯顿 阿瑟·本特利 查尔斯·梅里安 Harold Lasswell David Truman Herbert Simon Gabriel Almond Karl Deutsch Samuel Huntington 哈罗德·拉斯维尔 大卫·杜鲁门 赫伯特·西蒙 加布里埃尔·阿尔蒙德 卡尔·多伊奇 塞缪·享廷顿

  31. I. Traditional political science and its methodology: 1. Antecedents: Political science is a late arrival in terms of social sciences. However, the discipline has a clear set of antecedents such as moral philosophy, political philosophy, political economy, political theology, history, and other fields. The antecedents of Western politics can trace their roots back to Plato and Aristotle, particularly in the works of Homer (荷马,900-800 BC), Hesiod (赫西奥德,800 BC), Thucydides (修昔底德, 460-400 BC), Xenophon (色诺芬,430-355 B. C., An Athenian historian), and Euripides (欧里屁得斯,478-406 B. C., a Greek writer of tragedy). Plato analyzed political systems, and applied an approach closer to philosophy. Aristotle built upon Plato’s analysis to include historical empirical evidence. Plato wrote The Republic and Aristotle wrote the Politics. During the Roman Empire, historians documented the rise of the Roman Republic, and the organization and histories of other nations, while statesmen like Julius Caesar and Cicero provided examples of the politics of the republic and Rome’s empire. The Greek gods become Romans and Greek philosophy turns into Roman law as in Stoicism. During the Middle Ages, works such as Augustine’s The City of God synthesized philosophies and political traditions with Christianity. Most of the political questions were clarified and contested surrounding the relationship between church and state. The Arabs continued to study Plato’s Republic which became the basic text of Judeo-Islamic political philosophy as in the works of Averroes; in the Christian world, Aristotle’s Politics was translated in the 13th century and became the basic text as in the works of Saint Thomas Aquinas.During the Renaissance, Machiavelli established the emphasis of modern political science on direct empirical observation of political institutions and actors.

  32. For Machiavelli, nothing seems to be too good nor too evil if it helps to attain and preserve political power. Machiavelli shatters political illusions, reveals the harsh reality of politics and could be considered the father of the politics model. Thomas Hobbes, well-known for his theory of the social contract, believed that a strong central power, such as a monarchy, was necessary to rule the innate selfishness. John Locke accepted Aristotle’s dictum that man seeks to be happy in a state of social harmony as a social animal. All three of them did not believe in the divine right of kings. During the Enlightenment, Religion would no longer play a dominant role in politics. Principles similar to those that dominated the material sciences could be applied to society as a whole, originating the social sciences. 2. The advent of political science as a university discipline was marked by the creation of university departments and chairs with the title of political science arising in the late 19th century. In fact, the designation “political scientist” is typically reserved for those with a doctorate in the field. Integrating political studies of the past into a unified discipline is ongoing, and the history of political science has provided a rich field for the growth of both normative and positive political science. In 1857, in the United States, Francis Liebe became the first person who was conferred the title of professorship of history and political science. The first separate school of political science was established in 1872 in France. In 1880, John W. Burgess founded the first American college of political science. He then founded the first political science journal, Political Science Quarterly, in1886. In 1895 the London School of Economics and Political Sciencewas founded in England. The American Political Science Association was founded in 1903, the Canadian Political Science Association in 1913 and UK Political Studies Association in 1950.

  33. 3. Historical figures: Sidney James Webb (悉尼·韦伯,1859–1947) was a British socialist, economist and reformer. He was one of the early members of the Fabian Society in 1884, and helped turn the Fabian Society into the preeminent political-intellectual society of England in the Edwardian era and beyond. He wrote the original Clause IV for the British Labour Party. In 1895 he helped to establish the London School of Economics, using a bequest left to the Fabian Society. Sidney became Member of Parliament in 1922. In 1929, he was created Baron Passfield. As Colonial Secretary he issued the Passfield White Paper revising the government’s policy in Palestine, previously set by the Churchill White Paper of 1922. Martha Beatrice Webb (1858–1943) was an English sociologist, economist, socialist and reformer, usually referred to in association with her husband, Sidney Webb. Although her husband became Baron Passfield in 1929, she refused to be known as Lady Passfield. Beatrice was an active partner in all Sidney's political and professional activities, including the organization of the Fabian Society and the establishment of the London School of Economics. She co-authored books such as the History of Trade Unionism (1894), and was co-founder of the New Statesman magazine (1913). The Webbs were supporters of the Soviet Union until their deaths. Graham Wallas (格雷汉姆·沃拉斯,1858-1932) was an English socialist, social psychologist, educationalist, and a leader of the Fabian Society. It was at Oxford that Wallas abandoned his religion. He joined the Fabian Society in April 1886. He lectured at the newly-founded London School of Economics from 1895. Human Nature in Politics (1908)

  34. II. The rise of the behaviorist political science: 1. The behaviorist revolution: In the 1950s and the 1960s, a behavioral revolution stressing the systematic and rigorously scientific study of individual and group behavior swept the discipline. The late 1960’s and early 1970’s witnessed a take off in the use of deductive, game theoretic formal modeling techniques aimed at generating a more analytical corpus of knowledge in the discipline. At the same time, political science also moved towards a closer working relationship with other disciplines, especially sociology, economics, history, anthropology, psychology, public administration, law, and statistics without losing its own identity. Increasingly, political scientists have used the scientific method to create an intellectual discipline based on the generation of formal models used to derive testable hypotheses followed by empirical verification. Over the past generations, the discipline placed an increasing emphasis on relevance (相关性), or the use of new approaches to increase scientific knowledge in the field and provide explanations for empirical outcomes. 2. Historical figures: David Easton (1917-) is a Canadian American political scientist, and is currently Distinguished Research Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of California, Irvine. He is a former President of the American Political Science Association, a past President of the International Committee on Social Science Documentation. At the forefront of both the behavioralist and post-behavioralist revolutions in the discipline of political science during the 1950s and 1970s, Easton provided the discipline’s most widely used definition of politics and is renowned for his application of systems theory to the study of political science. Duringhis career he has served as a consultant to many prominent organizations.

  35. Arthur Bentley (1870-1957) was an Americanpolitical scientist and philosopher who worked in the fields of epistemology, logic and linguistics and who contributed to the development of a behavioral methodology of political science. His influential book is The Process of Government: A Study of Social Pressures (1908), which is of an early study on interest group politics. Charles Edward Merriam (1874–1953) was a professor of political science at the University of Chicago and founder of the behavioralistic approach to political science. Merriam served as an advisor to Herbert Hoover and Franklin Roosevelt. He was a pioneer in American positive political study and founder of the Chicago school. His book New Aspects of Politics (1925) argued for a reconstruction of method in political analysis, urged the greater use of statistics in the aid of empirical observation and measurement. Harold Lasswell (1902-1978) was a leading Americanpolitical scientist and communications theorist. He was a member of the Chicago school of sociology. He was President of the World Academy of Art and Science and the American Political Science Association. He argued that democracies needed propaganda to keep the uninformed citizenry in agreement with what the specialized class had determined was in their best interests. He wrote that we must put aside “democratic dogmatisms about men being the best judges of their own interests” since “men are often poor judges of their own interests, flitting from one alternative to the next without solid reason”. David Truman (1913-2003) was an American academic who served. He is known for his role as a Columbia University administrator during the Columbia University protests of 1968. His best known book is The Governmental Process (1951), which represented pluralist study on interest group.

  36. Herbert Simon (1916–2001) was an Americanpolitical scientist, economist, and psychologist, whose research ranged across the fields of cognitive psychology, computer science, public administration, economics, management, philosophy of science, sociology, and political science. With almost a thousand very highly cited publications, he is one of the most influential social scientists of the 20th century. Simon was a polymath, among the founding fathers of several of important scientific domains, including artificial Intelligence, information processing, decision-making, problem-solving, attention economics, organization theory, complex systems, and computer simulation of scientific discovery. He coined the terms bounded rationality and satisficing, and was the first to propose a preferential attachment mechanism to explain power law distributions. Gabriel Almond (1911–2002) was an Americanpolitical scientist best known for his pioneering work on comparative politics, political development, and political culture. Karl Deutsch (1912 – 1992) was a Czech American of German ancestry, social and political scientist. His work focused on the study of war and peace, nationalism, co-operation and communication. He is well known for his interest in introducing quantitative methods and formal system analysis, and is one of the most well known social scientists of the 20th century. In The Nerves of Government: Models of Political Communication and Control, he applied system analysis onto the study of government. Samuel Huntington (1927–2008) was an Americanpolitical scientist who gained prominence through his Clash of Civilizations (1993, 1996) thesis of a post-Cold Warnew world order.

  37. III. The methodological characteristics of behaviorist research: 1. The theoretical antecedents: Auguste Comte’s positive philosophy: “The law is this: that each of our leading conceptions, each branch of our knowledge, passes successively through three different theoretical conditions: the Theological, or fictitious; the Metaphysical, or abstract; and the Scientific, or positive.” Logical positivism is a school of philosophy that combines empiricism, the idea that observational evidence is indispensable for knowledge, with a version of rationalism incorporating mathematical and logico-linguistic constructs and deductions in epistemology. Logical positivism grew from the discussions of a group called the “First Vienna Circle” before World War I. A 1929 pamphlet summarized the doctrines. These included: the opposition to all metaphysics, especially ontology and synthetic apriori (先验) propositions; the rejection of metaphysics not as wrong but as having no meaning; the idea that all knowledge should be codifiable in a single standard language of science; and above all the project of “rational reconstruction”, in which ordinary-language concepts were gradually to be replaced by more precise equivalents in that standard language. The most prominent proponents of logical positivism emigrated to United Kingdom and United States, where they considerably influenced American philosophy. Behavioral psychology is a theory of learning based upon the idea that all behaviors are acquired through conditioning. Conditioning occurs through interaction with the environment. According to behaviorism, behavior can be studied in a systematic and observable manner with no consideration of internal mental states. From early psychology in the 19th century, the behaviorist school of thought ran concurrently and shared commonalities with the psychoanalytic and Gestalt (完形,格式塔) movements.

  38. 2. The Value-free or value-neutral methodology: (1) Base the research on observable and dynamic empirical facts, with a focus on group and individual behavior instead of political institutions, incorporating the theories, methods, discoveries and approaches of psychology, sociology, anthropology and economics. (2) Use various techniques, including polling, sampling, case studies, and digitalization. (3) Emphasize empirical studies instead of normal studies. Sir George Edward Gordon Catlin (乔治·卡特林,1896–1979) was an Englishpolitical scientist and philosopher. A strong proponent of Anglo-America cooperation, he worked for many years as a professor at Cornell University and other universities and colleges in the US and Canada. He preached the use of a natural science model for political science. Robert Dahl (1915-) is the Sterling Professor emeritus of political science at Yale University, where he earned his Ph.D. in political science in 1940. He is past president of the American Political Science Association and one of the most distinguished political scientists writing today. Dahl has often been described as “the Dean” of American political scientists. He earned this title by his prolific writing output and the fact that scores of prominent political scientists studied under him.

  39. Section TwoResearch Fields of Behaviorist Political Science James David Barber Charles Austin Beard V. O. Key Sidney Verba Frederick Taylor Chester Irving Barnard 大卫·巴伯    查尔斯·比尔德    凯伊  悉尼·维尔巴 弗雷德里克·泰勒  切斯特·巴纳德 Charles Lindblom Yehezkel Dror G. Bingham Powell, Jr. Morton Kaplan Peter B. Evans Dietrich Rueschemeyer 查尔斯·林德布洛姆 叶海卡·德罗尔(以色列) G. 宾厄姆·鲍威尔 默顿·卡普兰 彼得·埃文斯 迪特里希·鲁谢梅耶(社会学) Lucian W. Pye Ronald Inglehart Aaron Wildavsky Barrington Moore Michel Crozier Theda Skocpol James Coleman 卢西恩·派伊 罗纳德·英格尔哈特 阿隆· 维达夫斯基 巴灵顿·摩尔 (哈佛) 克罗齐(法) 西达·斯科克波尔 詹姆斯·科尔曼

  40. I. Political psychology: In Human Nature in Politics (1908), Graham Wallas argued that irrational forces, such as prejudice, custom, and accident, inevitably affect political decisions, often much more than rational calculations. He thus warned politicians of the need to study psychology. He rejected the popular application of Darwinism to social sciences. Wallas’ work provided a useful counterbalance to rationalistutilitarianism. Psycho-pathology and Politics (1930) was Lasswell’s pioneering application of the concepts of clinical psychology to the understanding of powerbrokers in politics, business, and even the church that offered insights into the careers of leaders as diverse as Adolf Hitler and Richard Nixon. He argued that leaders are driven primarily by psychological motivations rooted in childhood. Understanding politics, therefore, required a psychoanalytic approach to individual leaders, whose motivations could be deciphered and actions predicted. Lasswell pursued this direction of inquiry further in World Politics and Insecurity ( 1935 ). Together, these studies laid the groundwork for much of the field of political psychology. In Politics: Who Gets What, When, How (1935), Lasswell stated “one skill of the politician is calculating probable changes in influence and the influential…the study of politics is the study of influence and the influential…the influential are those who get the most of what there is to get”. Lasswell called this group the “elite”. In discussing the methods by which an elite preserves its position he stated that they defend and assert their position by the use of symbols of a common destiny to createcommon values. Paramount among politicians are: agitators and organizers. The former are favored in crisis, and the latter during those periods between crises. David Barber (1930-2004) was an American political scientist who was a professor of political science at Duke University from 1977 to 1995.

  41. Barber’s four types of presidential character Active/Positive: Active and enjoys it. High self-esteem and success in relating. Values productivity. Developing toward personal goals. Rational. Summary: Want to achieve results. Activity/Enjoyment: Well adapted. Active/Negative: Intense effort with low emotional reward, compulsive. Ambitious, seeking power. Vague self-image. Life is a hard struggle to seize and hold power. Summary: Get and keep power. Activity/Enjoyment: Compulsive Passive/Positive: Receptive, compliant, other directed, seeking affection as reward for being agreeable. Contradiction between low self-esteem and superficial optimism. Hopeful attitude but likely to be disappointed in politics. Summary: Seek love. Activity/Enjoyment: Compliant. Passive/Negative: Does little in politics and enjoys it less. Why in politics? Character-rooted toward dutiful service to compensate for low self-esteem. Lack experience and flexibility. Tend to withdraw and escape by emphasizing vague principles, especially prohibitions. Summary: Civic duty. Activity/Enjoyment: Withdrawn.

  42. II. Group theories: Arthur Bentley (1870-1957) was an Americanpolitical scientist and philosopher who worked in the fields of epistemology, logic and linguistics and who contributed to the development of a behavioral methodology of political science. Bentley took a lectureship at the University of Chicago, and then went to work as a newspaperman. Bentley used his spare time to write “The Process of Government.” His closest intellectual companion was John Dewey. In The Process of Government: A Study of Social Pressures (1908), Bentley held that interactions of groups are the basis of political life. In his opinion, group activity determined legislation, administration and adjudication. These ideas of process-based behavioralism later became central to political science. His tenet that “social movements are brought about by group interaction” is a basic feature of contemporary pluralist and interest-group approaches. Charles Beard (1874-1948) was one of the most influential American historians of the first half of the 20th century. As a leader of the “progressive historians,” or “progressive historiography”, he introduced themes of economic self-interest and economic conflict regarding the adoption of the Constitution and the transformations caused by the Civil War. Thus he emphasized the long-term conflict among industrialists in the Northeast, farmers in the Midwest, and planters in the South that he saw as the cause of the Civil War. In his study of the financial interests of the drafters of the United States Constitution, An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution (1913), he proposed that the U.S. Constitution was a product of economically determinist, land-holding founding fathers. He saw ideology as a product of economic interests. His work was taken as radical, but many scholars, however, eventually adopted this thesis and by 1950 it had become the standard interpretation of the era.

  43. Valdimer Orlando Key, Jr. (1908-1963), usually known simply as V. O. Key was an influential Americanpolitical scientist known for his empirical study of elections and voting behavior. He taught at UCLA, Johns Hopkins University, and Yale University and Harvard University. He also served with the Social Science Research Council and the National Resources Planning Board, and at the Bureau of the Budget. In Politics, Parties, and Pressure Groups, V. O. Key emphasized that politics was a contest and the main players were organized interest groups. The book decisively shaped the teaching of political science by introducing realism in analysis of politics, the “interest group” model and behavioral methods based on statistical analysis of election returns. David Truman (1913-2003) was a prominent American scholar of political parties, lobbying, and interest groups, as well as one of the early and most influential promoters of behavioralism in political science. He served as president of Mount Holyoke College, and also worked as Columbia University administrator. Truman’s The Governmental Process ( 1951 ) largely invented the “group behavioral” approach to American politics. He argued that public policy is not an expression of a neutral “public good” but the product of diverse groups acting in their own interests. The American political system, Truman argued, is basically open to contestation and competition among groups; moreover, group interactions, rather than individual politicians, are the determining factors in policymaking. For Truman, the United States is thus a predominantly pluralist political system, in which no group can dominate policy completely for its own ends or ignore public opinion for long.

  44. Sidney Verba (1932- ) is a political scientist specializing in American and comparative politics. He was a Professor and director of the library at Harvard University. In Small Groups and Political Behavior: A Study of Leadership,Verba shows that the intermediate groups are intermediate units between the individual and the mass, in which he finds emotional nurture and cognitive sustenance, and discusses the advantages and disadvantages of attempting to apply sociological and social-psychological materials and methods to the political process. III. Decision-making theory: Herbert Simon (1916-2001) was an Americanpolitical scientist, economist, and psychologist, whose research ranged across the fields of cognitive psychology, computer science, public administration, economics, management, philosophy of science, sociology, and political science. Simon was a polymath, among the founding fathers of several of today’s important scientific domains, including artificial Intelligence, information processing, decision-making, problem-solving, attention economics, organization theory, complex systems, and computer simulation of scientific discovery. He coined the terms bounded rationality and satisficing, and was the first to to propose a preferential attachment mechanism to explain power law distributions. In Administrative Behavior (1947), Simon thinks that any decision involves a choice selected from a number of alternatives, directed toward an organizational goal or subgoal. Realistic options will have real consequences consisting of personnel actions or non-actions modified by environmental facts and values. In actual practice, some of the alternatives may be conscious or unconscious; some of the consequences may be unintended or intended.

  45. In Models of Man (1957) Simon points out that most people are only partly rational, and are in fact emotional/irrational in the remaining part of their actions. Organizations (1958) by James March and Herbert Simon provides the original and definitive treatments of such fundamental concepts as bounded rationality, attention focus, and problem solving. Chester Irving Barnard (1886–1961) was an American business executive, public administrator, and author of pioneering work in management and organizational studies. Barnard’s book, Functions of the Executive (1938) sets out a theory of organization and of the functions of executives in organizations. Barnard summarized the functions of the executive as follows: Establishing and maintaining a system of communication; Securing essential services from other members; Formulating organizational purposes and objectives. The policy sciences; recent developments in scope and method (1951), edited by Daniel Lerner and Harold D. Lasswell. Charles Lindblom (1917-) is a Professor of Political Science and Economics at Yale University. He is a former president of the American Political Science Association. In The Policy-Making Process (1993), Lindblom & Woodhouse think that policy can arise from compromise, as a byproduct, emerge gradually, or even come into being through inaction and precedent. The balance that keeps elected officials in check is the bureaucratic system and special interest groups. The most important extra-governmental obstruction is the business sector’s influence. Educational and social conditioning tends to favor the elite.

  46. Yehezkel Dror (叶海卡·德罗尔) is a professor of political science at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. His fields of interest include policy planning and strategic issues. He is a member of the International Institute of Strategic Studies and of the Club of Rome. He was a consultant of the Israeli Cabinet Office and advised several Israeli Prime Ministers. In Public Policymaking Reexamined,Yehezkel Dror postulated certain factors necessary for supplementing present policymaking systems; discussed the existence of organizational capabilities and the policymaking system, the alternative policies, modern techniques of systematic rational analysis, and the training and development of policymakers. He measures Congress and policymaking systems of the U.S. as well as systems of developing countries. Among his long-range recommendations is a proposal to develop a new discipline of policy sciences. Policymaking Under Adversity (1986-) systematically treats recent policymaking trends. In order to gain an understanding of pressing predicaments, he believes that policymakers need to examine the foundations of contemporary practices of present assumptions, and that they need a multiplicity of approaches to policymaking. Yehezkel Dror, “Policy-Gambling: A Preliminary Exploration,” Policy Studies Journal 12. (1, September 1983), p.9. 26.

  47. IV. Systems theory of politics:Talcott Parsons (1902-1979) was an American sociologist who served on the faculty of Harvard University from 1927–1973. Parsons developed a general theory for the study of society called action theory, based on the methodological principle of voluntarism and the epistemological principle of analyticalrealism. In using systems thinking, he postulated that the relevant systems treated in social and behavioral science were “open”, meaning that they were embedded in an environment consisting of other systems. David Easton’s book The Political System: An Inquiry into the State of Political Science (1953) defined political behavior as the “authoritative allocation of values,” or the distribution of rewards in wealth, power, and status that the system may provide, which drove home the failure of 1950s political science to build anything resembling coherent theories of politics or to develop systematic techniques for gathering and analyzing data, with which such theories might be constructed.

  48. A Systems Analysis of Political Life (1965) proposed that a political system could be seen as a delimited (boundaries) and fluid system of steps in decision making. Changes in the social or physical environment surrounding a political system produce “demands” and “supports” for action or the status quo directed as “inputs” towards the political system, through political behavior. These demands and supporting groups stimulate competition in a political system, leading to decisions or “outputs”. After a decision or output is made (e.g., a specific policy), it interacts with its environment, and if it produces change in the environment, there are “outcomes”. Outcomes may generate new demands or supports and groups in support or against the policy (“feedback”) or a new policy on some related matter. Feedback leads back to Step 1, it is a never ending story. Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach(1966) by Gabriel Almond and G. Bingham Powell, Jr. proposed a variety of cultural and functional ways to measure the development of societies. Morton Kaplan (默顿·卡普兰,1921-) was Distinguished Professor of Political Science at the University of Chicago. Kaplan introduced a new analytical tool to the study of international relations, systems analysis. His view is his test in principle attempts to circumvent the limitations of an egocentric or culturally narrow perspective.

  49. Nicos Poulantzas (1936-1979) was a GreekMarxistpolitical sociologist. In the 1970s, Poulantzas was known, along with Louis Althusser, as a leading Structural Marxist. Borrowing from Antonio Gramsci’s notion of cultural hegemony, Poulantzas argued that repressing movements of the oppressed is not the sole function of the state. Rather state power must also obtain the consent of the oppressed. Poulantzas analysed the role of what he termed the ‘new petty bourgeoisie’ in both consolidating the ruling classes hegemony and undermining the proletariat’s ability to organize itself. Political Power and Social Classes (1973). Theda Skocpol (西达·斯考切波,1947-) is an American sociologist and political scientist at Harvard University, influential in sociology as an advocate of the historical-institutional and comparative approaches, and in political science for her “state autonomy theory”. Bringing the State Back In (1985, edited with Peter B. Evans and Dietrich Rueschemeyer) views the state as an agent which, although influenced by the society that surrounds it, also shapes social and political processes.Peter B. Evans (1944–), Professor of Sociology at the University of California, Berkeley, is a political sociologist whose work focuses on the comparative political economy of national development in developing countries.

  50. Dietrich Rueschemeyer (迪特里希·鲁谢梅耶) was an American professor of sociology at Brown University. V. Comparative politics is a subfield of political science, characterized by an empirical approach based on the comparative method. Comparative politics is defined by a combination of a substantive focus on the study of countries’ political systems and a method of identifying and explaining similarities and differences between these countries using common concepts. VI. Political culture: James Smoot Coleman (詹姆斯·科尔曼, 1919-1985) is an eminent American political science, who worked at UCLA’s African Studies Center. He worked in Africa from 1965 to 1978, and also for the Rockefeller Foundation. The Politics of the Developing Areas(1960) edited by Gabriel Almond and James S. Coleman. The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (1963 ) by Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba popularized the idea of a political culture. Almond and Verba distinguished different political cultures according to their level and type of political participation and the nature of people’s attitudes toward politics. It was one of the first large-scale cross-national survey studies undertaken in political science and greatly stimulated comparative studies of democracy.

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