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The Split-S System in Baure (Arawak)

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  1. The Split-S System in Baure (Arawak) Swintha Danielsen Radboud Universiteit/ MPI-Nijmegen (NL)

  2. Split-S systems in Arawak languages:“active-stative split” • In most Arawak languages, verbs can be divided “into three classes: transitive (withtwo core arguments, A and O), active intransitive (with one core argument, Sa) andstative intransitive (with one core argument, So)” (Aikhenvald 1999:86), according to the cross-reference of arguments on the verbs; this accountsfor about two-thirds of the Arawak languages.

  3. Split-S systems in Arawak languages:“active-stative split” • In most Arawak languages, verbs can be divided “into three classes: transitive (withtwo core arguments, A and O), active intransitive (with one core argument, Sa) andstative intransitive (with one core argument, So)” (Aikhenvald 1999:86), according to the cross-reference of arguments on the verbs; this accountsfor about two-thirds of the Arawak languages. • Cross-referencing can be summed up as follows (Aikhenvald 1999:86/87): A/Sa cross-referencing prefix (or proclitic) and O/So cross-referencing suffix(es) (orenclitic(s)); person clitics are even formally very similar inall Arawak languages.

  4. Schema 1: Classification of verbs in Arawak languages verbs transitive intransitive (A and O) active stative (Sa) (So) (according to Aikhenvald 1999:86)

  5. Argument marking on Baure verbalpredicates:subjective marking (Sa)

  6. Argument marking on Baure verbalpredicates:subjective marking (Sa) • Verbs in Baure can be transitive, ditransitive (only a few or derived bybenefactive, or causative), and intransitive.

  7. Argument marking on Baure verbalpredicates:subjective marking (Sa) • Verbs in Baure can be transitive, ditransitive (only a few or derived bybenefactive, or causative), and intransitive. • On transitive as on intransitive verbs, the subject is marked by a personal proclitic, which is always obligatory (except for impersonal construction,imperative or interrogative clauses) and co-occurs with an explicit subject NP.

  8. Argument marking on Baure verbalpredicates:subjective marking (Sa) • Verbs in Baure can be transitive, ditransitive (only a few or derived bybenefactive, or causative), and intransitive. • On transitive as on intransitive verbs, the subject is marked by a personal proclitic, which is always obligatory (except for impersonal construction,imperative or interrogative clauses) and co-occurs with an explicit subject NP. • The person marker agrees in number and gender (only 3rd person) with the subject.

  9. Argument marking on Baure verbalpredicates:subjective marking (Sa) • Verbs in Baure can be transitive, ditransitive (only a few or derived bybenefactive, or causative), and intransitive. • On transitive as on intransitive verbs, the subject is marked by a personal proclitic, which is always obligatory (except for impersonal construction,imperative or interrogative clauses) and co-occurs with an explicit subject NP. • The person marker agrees in number and gender (only 3rd person) with the subject. • The personal proclitics that mark the subject on verbs are identical to the markers forthe possessor of inalienable or possessed nouns.

  10. (1) vi- tovian 1PL-neighbour ‘our neighbour’

  11. (1) vi- tovianPOSS – N 1PL-neighbour ‘our neighbour’

  12. (1) vi- tovianPOSS – N 1PL-neighbour ‘our neighbour’ intransitive verbs: (2) vi- šim ač vi- kowyo-p ač v- imok. 1PL-arrive and 1PL-bathe- PERF and 1PL-sleep ‘We arrive, we take a bath (bathe ourselves), and we sleep.’

  13. (1) vi- tovianPOSS – N 1PL-neighbour ‘our neighbour’ intransitive verbs:Sa – V (2) vi- šim ač vi- kowyo-p ač v- imok. 1PL-arrive and 1PL-bathe- PERF and 1PL-sleep ‘We arrive, we take a bath (bathe ourselves), and we sleep.’

  14. Argument marking on Baure verbalpredicates:subjective marking (Sa)continued • On transitive verbs, the object is marked by a personalenclitic, which does not co-occur with an explicit object NP (a kind of pronominalization): the object isobligatory, but the marking is not.

  15. transitive verbs: (4) nti’ ni- komorik p- a- š simori. I 1SG-kill one-CLF:animal-one pig ‘I killed one pig.’

  16. transitive verbs: A – VO (4) nti’ ni- komorik p- a- š simori. I 1SG-kill one-CLF:animal-one pig ‘I killed one pig.’

  17. transitive verbs: A – VO (4) nti’ ni- komorik p- a- š simori. I 1SG-kill one-CLF:animal-one pig ‘I killed one pig.’ (5) heni, ver ni- komoriki-er. yes already 1SG-kill- 3SGm ‘Yes, I already killed it.’

  18. transitive verbs: A – VO (4) nti’ ni- komorik p- a- š simori. I 1SG-kill one-CLF:animal-one pig ‘I killed one pig.’ A – V – O (5) heni, ver ni- komoriki-er. yes already 1SG-kill- 3SGm ‘Yes, I already killed it.’

  19. 2. Argument marking on Baure verbalpredicates:subjective marking (Sa)continued • On ditransitive verbs (mainly derived) there can be double object marking. Whenboth objects are marked, the indirect object comes before the direct object.

  20. ditransitive verb: (6) pi- pa- ni- r, ni- pa- pi- r 2SG-give-1SG-3SGm 1SG-give-2SG-3SGm ‘you give it to me, I give it to you’

  21. ditransitive verb:A – V – IO – DO (6) pi- pa- ni- r, ni- pa- pi- r 2SG-give-1SG-3SGm 1SG-give-2SG-3SGm ‘you give it to me, I give it to you’

  22. ditransitive verb:A – V – IO – DO (6) pi- pa- ni- r, ni- pa- pi- r 2SG-give-1SG-3SGm 1SG-give-2SG-3SGm ‘you give it to me, I give it to you’ benefactive verb:A – V – IO – DO (7) ni- wo’ik- ino- vi- r 1SG-butcher-BEN-2SG-3SGm ‘I butcher it for you.’

  23. 3. Active versus stative verbal morphemes: • There are more than 20 verbal morphemes, mainly suffixes (except for CAUS andATTR/PRIV), which can be divided into active versus stative morphemes.

  24. 3. Active versus stative verbal morphemes: • There are more than 20 verbal morphemes, mainly suffixes (except for CAUS andATTR/PRIV), which can be divided into active versus stative morphemes. • A generallystative verb (semantically) has to be marked by the activity marker -a in order to getactive morphemes applied.

  25. Table 1: Verbal morphemes that are used with active verbs (an excerpt)

  26. Table 2: Verbal morphemes that are used withstative verbs

  27. Argument marking on Baure non-verbalpredicates: objective marking (So) • Stative predicates (not to be confused with stative verbs!) with nominal or adjectivalbases have the subject marked in the object slot (So), if it is marked (same rules as forobject marking on transitive verbs).

  28. Argument marking on Baure non-verbalpredicates: objective marking (So) • Stative predicates (not to be confused with stative verbs!) with nominal or adjectivalbases have the subject marked in the object slot (So), if it is marked (same rules as forobject marking on transitive verbs). • The nominal or adjectival base is treated like a verbal base, but it has to be marked byat least the copula suffix (in the function of a verbalizer) in order to be used as apredicate with person cross-reference.

  29. stative predicates with So marking: (8)monči-wo- ni n- asore- he- w. child- COP-1SG 1SG-strong-DISTR-COP ‘When I was a child I was all strong.’

  30. stative predicates with So marking: N/ADJ – COP – So (8)monči-wo- ni n- asore- he- w. child- COP-1SG 1SG-strong-DISTR-COP ‘When I was a child I was all strong.’

  31. Argument marking on Baure non-verbalpredicates: objective marking (So)continued • Only stative verbal morphemes (-wo COP and -wapa COS, cf. Table 3) may directly function as verbalizers, active verbal morphemes have to be preceded by the activity marker -a.

  32. Argument marking on Baure non-verbalpredicates: objective marking (So)continued • Only stative verbal morphemes (-wo COP and -wapa COS, cf. Table 2) may directly function as verbalizers, active verbal morphemes have to be preceded by the activity marker -a. By contrast: • All stative verbs (in the semantic sense) and weather verbs in Baure are marked subjectively.

  33. Stative verbs in Baure (Sa): (10) ni- mane- wapa … 1SG-be.cold- COS ‘I am cold …’

  34. Stative verbs in Baure (Sa): Sa – V (10) ni- mane- wapa … 1SG-be.cold- COS ‘I am cold/ I got cold…’

  35. Derived objective (So) predicates:privative • The privative prefix mO- derives negative counterparts of either unmarked or attributive forms.

  36. Derived objective (So) predicates:privative • The privative prefix mO- derives negative counterparts of either unmarked or attributive forms. • While attributive predicates are marked subjectively, the derived privative counterparts are marked objectively.

  37. Derived objective (So) predicates:privative • The privative prefix mO- derives negative counterparts of either unmarked or attributive forms. • While attributive predicates are marked subjectively, the derived privative counterparts are marked objectively. • It can be argued that attributive functions as a verbalizer, while privative does not, and the predicates that are derived by privative are interpreted as nominal or adjectival bases.

  38. Attributive construction: Sa (11) ver ri- k- avinon. already 3SGf-ATTR-husband ‘She is already married.’

  39. Attributive construction: Sa Sa – [ATTR- N] Sa – V (11) ver ri- k- avinon. already 3SGf-ATTR-husband ‘She is already married.’

  40. Attributive construction: Sa Sa – [ATTR- N] Sa – V (11) ver ri- k- avinon. already 3SGf-ATTR-husband ‘She is already married.’ Privative construction: So (12) m- avinon- e- ri ? PRIV-husband- EP-3SGf ‘Is she unmarried?’

  41. Attributive construction: Sa Sa – [ATTR- N] Sa – V (11) ver ri- k- avinon. already 3SGf-ATTR-husband ‘She is already married.’ Privative construction: So [PRIV- N] – So (12) m- avinon- e- ri ? PRIV-husband- EP-3SGf ‘Is she unmarried?’

  42. Derived objective (So) predicates:privative continued • One difference to other non-verbal predicates: Privative predicates do not need any stative morpheme before the person enclitic.

  43. 6. Objective (So) marking on verbs?

  44. 6. Objective (So) marking on verbs? • There is a small subgroup of predicates with So marking that have a lot in commonwith verbs: kwo- ‘exist, be’ (copula verb), koehoe- ‘give birth’, ver- ‘already’, and eto- ‘finish’.

  45. 6. Objective (So) marking on verbs? • There is a small subgroup of predicates with So marking that have a lot in commonwith verbs: kwo- ‘exist, be’ (copula verb), koehoe- ‘give birth’, ver- ‘already’, and eto- ‘finish’. • This kind of objectively marked predicates can be intransitive, but also transitive. This includes double marking on a transitive verb.

  46. intransitive objective verbs: (13) kwo-ni ne’ pi- weri- ye. exist-1SG here 2SG-house-LOC ‘I am here in your house.’

  47. intransitive objective verbs: V? –So (13) kwo-ni ne’ pi- weri- ye. exist-1SG here 2SG-house-LOC ‘I am here in your house.’

  48. intransitive objective verbs: V? –So (13) kwo-ni ne’ pi- weri- ye. exist-1SG here 2SG-house-LOC ‘I am here in your house.’ (14) a teč šiye’ ver- a- pe- r, ... and DEM2m fox already-ACT-GO-3SGm ‘And the fox had already gone.’

  49. intransitive objective verbs: V? –So (13) kwo-ni ne’ pi- weri- ye. exist-1SG here 2SG-house-LOC ‘I am here in your house.’ (14) a teč šiye’ ver- a- pe- r, ... and DEM2m fox already-ACT-GO-3SGm ‘And the fox had already gone.’

  50. transitive objective verbs: (15) koehoe -ripino-nev. give.birth-3SGf twin-PL ‘She gave birth to twins.’