Africentric Programs in Youth Substance Abuse

1. Africentric Programs in Youth Substance Abuse Alcohol and other drug (AOTD) use and related drug activities, such as trafficking, running and selling, are major problems for African American youth, especially those who reside within inner cities

2. Some of the deleterious effects of drug use include school drop-out, crime, incarceration, teen pregnancy, violence, HIV and AIDS. • The etiology and conditions of drug use among youth are “complex and context dependent”.

3. Program approaches and models found to be effective in one social-[cultural] context may be less effective in others. • Traditional prevention and intervention strategies fail to consider the socially determined and institutionally supported conditions characterizing African descent peoples’ experience in the Americas (ex. U.S.).

4. Chestang, “social injustice, societal inconsistency and personal impotence are the plight of [African] people in America”. • Being in the face of any one of these conditions does cruel and unusual violence to the personality of African Americans. • Being in the face of all three conditions exposes the personality to severe crippling or even destruction.

5. In order for prevention and intervention efforts to be effective, they must consider the historical-cultural context of African Americans (i.e., African descent people). • Effective prevention in communities distinguishable by particular racial and risk characteristics may require the use of practices responsive to the needs and opportunities characteristic of that setting (Chipungu et al., 2000).

6. Critical Practice Approach (Rasheed & Rasheed (1999) • Informed by the assumption and ongoing analysis of the impact of socio-cultural and socio-political factors on the presenting mental health problems of African American males as being an integral component of the clinical process” • Clear recognition of the social realities of racism and oppression and the manner in which they affect the mental health of African Americans is provided by this approach.

7. Principles applied to a critical practice approach with African American males. • There must be recognition of the systemic and societal context of racism and oppression and social ideologies that are infused with the virulent disease of racism. • Such recognition allows both the practitioner and client to become aware of how their lived experience (or personal narrative) has been impacted by these forces.

8. Effective mental health [including drug] intervention must be based on a deliberate effort of both the practitioner and the client to be aware of how their location or position within the social political order shapes their identities and the context of the helping relationship. • There must be identification of personal narratives, cognitive distortions, and language that reinforce a sense of disempowerment, pejorative classifications of difference, or a truncated sense of self-esteem (e.g., identifying dichotomous or binary thinking, such as “superior/inferior” or “White males are good/African American males are bad”).

9. There must be support for self-assertion and reaffirmation of both racial and gender identity as well as development of a more integrated identity as an African American male. • There must be a search for increased self-mastery and achievement of autonomous dignity.

10. There must be support for the African American male client in his work toward social change, by challenging anti-Black racism and other forms of bias encountered within his particular ecological niche. • (This principle also includes improving the conditions of other men, women, and children of color).

11. The shifting patterns of substance use (i.e., early initiation, increased marijuana use, narrowing differences in gender use) and the disproportionate socioeconomic obstacles that are related to substance use among ethnically diverse adolescent females create the need to develop ethnic and gender-specific substance use prevention frameworks (Guthrie & Low, 2000). • In addition, culture specific (i.e., normed on African American populations) instruments would assist in planning more appropriate treatment services, as well as, aid in the development of culturally relevant ATOD education prevention initiatives.

12. Cultural specific measurements are essential to the prevention of adverse health consequences of ATOD use and abuse among African Americans and other racial/ethnic groups. • Anderson J. Franklin (1999), “our professional competence must include acquiring expertise with the issues formed by patients’ cultural, social, political, and economic context affecting their daily lives [and their communities]” (p. 18).

13. Franklin further maintained that there is an urgent need for innovative, ethnic-appropriate interventions to improve effective delivery of services to African Americans. • Belgrave, Brome, and Hampton (2000), “drug prevention presented in culturally meaningful and relevant formats is more effective in inoculating youth from those factors associated with initiation of drug use and drug abuse” (p. 387).

14. Africentric values and cultural precepts, as reflected in prevention and intervention strategies, would develop resiliency in youth which would mitigate against those ecological stressors (e.g., family, poverty, racial oppression, community) precipitating drug use. • There are many rich examples of the application of Africentricity in practice.

15. Africentric Substance Programs • 12 sites across the country, again, were part of a larger CSAP HRY initiative involving 48 funded programs (Sambrano et al., 1997). • Chipungu et al. (2000), “the CSAP cross-site evaluation offered an opportunity to document, as well as add to the literature base, the practice of prevention intervention programs serving youth considered high-risk.

16. Along with Chipungu’s review of 12 multi-site CSAP programs, four additional CSAP funded and published programs (Belgrave et al., 1997, 2000; Cherry et al., 1998; Goddard, 1993) were located through searches in ProQuest, PsycINFO, and Eric databases. • Hand out Tables on the Programs

17. Culturally Congruent Program Descriptions • Three cultural programmatic themes evident in the programs • First cultural category-African traditions (e.g., communalism, oral expressiveness and affect sensitivity to emotional cues), values (e.g., the Seven Principles of Kwanzaa)

18. and spirituality (i.e., a force greater than oneself and that the spiritual is more important than the material) to promote resiliency (i.e., protective and proactive factors) among African American children, adolescents and their families.

19. Second category- the use of historical contributions of Africans and African Americans in the development of American and world civilizations as a means of promoting positive racial identity and positive racial group identification in America.

20. Contemporary culture was the third category of cultural congruent programming in which the experiences of African Americans and other people of African descent was discussed with program participants in an attempt to promote an African consciousness, as well as to “enhance awareness of how the mainstream culture impacts the capacity to make healthy decisions” (Chipungu et al., 2000).

21. The other four non-multiple site programs included a range of interventions (e.g., ATOD direct and indirect informational services, academic and vocational support positive recreation and enrichment components, etc.) and delivery methods (e.g., individual, group, family, parenting classes, etc.) were used in conjunction with the “use of cultural orientation as a central component of their intervention programming”.

22. Foster, Phillips, Belgrave, Randolph, and Braithwaite (1993), “the Africentric orientation articulates a worldview, philosophical orientation, set of social standards, norms, and codes of conduct that reflect core African values that are essentially spiritual and communal in nature” (p. 127).

23. Foster et al. further contend that certain features are common to that orientation: attendance to spiritual beliefs, the importance of relationships and the relationship building process, acknowledgement of culture as a force, and a key determinant in day to day experiences.

24. Stevenson et al. (1997) & Tatum (1997) that learning about African history and highly developed African cultures addresses issues of racial identity that confront African American youth particularly as they approach and enter adolescence.

25. An array of recreational and enrichment activities enhances participants’ awareness and promotes positive identity. • By focusing on contemporary culture, the participants are made aware of the multiple risks and negative influences on members of a minority culture from a social-historical context.

26. Chipungu et al. (2000), “youth served by the 12 multi-site programs are given a basis for identifying positive orientations and behaviors that connect a positive identity with community and tradition to give them a context for standing up against external risks” (p. 379).

27. The traditional features of program strategies, such as informational, risk and protection, were not replaced, but rather were enhanced by culturally congruent Africentric prevention intervention programs.

28. Packaging programs to incorporate Africentric traditions and values, African American history and awareness of the current circumstances of minorities in the United States enriches them with a concrete and relevant context for the inculcation of prevention strategies.

29. The use of traditional, spiritual and community African values guides life choices and promotes the development of positive values (Chipungu et al., 2000). • Chipungu et al. maintained that this approach emphasizes the development of protective factors by creating a meaningful focus for positive differentiation and identity.

30. They continued that the principles and values articulated in the cultural tradition provide a context for the development of belief in self, self-control, family bonding, and accomplishment.

31. Intervention and Comparison Groups in the Culturally Congruent Programs • Prevention programs utilized intervention and comparison groups. Comparison groups are used for exploratory or descriptive purposes that aid in evaluating the effectiveness of the intervention.

32. Culturally Congruent Program Locations • All of the programs were in diverse contextualized (i.e., programs were situated in the communities in which services were provided) settings. Program settings are program characteristics (e.g., community and organizational environment) that can also condition program implementation (Sambrano et al., 1997).

33. Population Characteristics in the Culturally Congruent Programs • Provided services to children and adolescents. The youth were the primary targeted population for intervention, with their parents as a secondary targeted group for intervention (e.g., parenting training, job skills development and enhancement, mentoring in rites of passage programs, etc.).

34. Findings in the Culturally Congruent Programs • All of the studies showed the impact of Africentric programming on drug use, including drug knowledge and attitudes toward drugs, among African American children and adolescents. • Personal salience (i.e., satisfaction with Africentric programming and its relevance) increased among program participants.

35. For example, although in Belgrave’s later study (Belgrave et al., 2000) cultural values (i.e., Africentric values and racial identity) were modest predictors of drug knowledge, drug attitudes and drug use, they maintained that the inclusion of Africentric values or racial/ethnic identity-related material may play an important role as a protective factor with certain drug outcomes.

36. Belgrave et al. stated that positive African American racial identity was a stronger predictor of intolerant drug attitudes than it was for the other drug outcomes (e.g., drug use and drug knowledge). • Africentric values (e.g., collective work/responsibility and cooperative economics) were significant predictors of attitudes toward drugs.

37. Collective work/responsibility and spirituality (i.e., attendance at religious services and discussions of religion and spiritual topics in the home) were significant predictors of perceived drug harmfulness. • Age and spirituality were significant predictors of drug use among the study sample, too.

38. Older children were more likely to report drug use than younger children, and as well, had higher levels of drug knowledge than younger children. Children with greater spiritual beliefs reported less drug use than those without spiritual/religious beliefs.

39. School behaviors (e.g., rule compliance, increased school interest, etc.) improved among the fifth and sixth grade intervention groups. • Cherry et al. also reported that the sixth grade intervention students were rated by the teachers as having fewer problems than the sixth grade comparison students in the project.

40. Goddard (1993), “ children and adolescents in the AAADP program showed improvement in school performance (i.e., grades) and school behavior, including a reduction in suspensions from school”. • Significant changes in the participants’ self-esteem and other areas of social life. Ex. as a result of the participants’ community involvement, social bonds were developed with peers who reflected and reinforced their sense of identity (i.e., Africentric, racial pride, and drug free).

41. Goddard mentioned that the greatest success was reported in those youth who had gone through all three phases of the program. • Phase I is a general orientation and evaluation stage in which the participants receive basic information about alcohol and other drugs.

42. Phase II is a structured seven-week program of individual and family therapy. During this phase, program participants are involved in an intensive Africentric group. • Phase III is an outreach stage in which youth and their families participate in an extended recovery program at their neighborhood satellite center.

43. Preliminary data indicated that among this group there was no recidivism in alcohol and other drugs use and abuse among 40 to 50 percent of the participants. • In addition, program participants had achieved some success in terms of self-reported decreases in the frequency and the amount of alcohol and other drugs (ATOD) use and abuse.

44. Personal salience, • Slightly less than two-thirds of the African Americans in the 12 culturally congruent study programs liked their programs more than African Americans in other programs or non-African American program participants.

45. The differences were substantial for African Americans in the culturally congruent programs (65.4%) when compared to (42.2%) of the African Americans in other programs and (44%) of non-African American youth who liked their programs.

46. African American youth in the culturally congruent programs were much more likely to feel positive about their participation in the programs than those in other programs. • Chipungu et al. found that approximately one-third of the African American youth in non-Africentric programs (33.1%) and of the non-African American youth (32.2%) expressed negative assessments (i.e., not important) of their programs.

47. On the other hand, they stated that only 16.6% of the African American youth in the culturally congruent study programs felt that their programs were unimportant. • Chipungu et al. (2000), “this clearly shows that Africentric programming strengthens appeal and salience for African American youth” (p. 381).

48. Furthermore, they maintained that for service providers, who face the daily challenges of providing meaningful prevention services for youth at high risk, this was a finding of great importance for the design of prevention programming.

49. Limitations in the Culturally Congruent Programs • Belgrave et al.’s (1997, 2000) studies by restricting the analysis to pre-test data, the study became a cross-sectional of two groups. The researchers assumed that Africentric values preceded drug attitudes and behaviors, but they admitted that causality could not be inferred.

50. Encountered measurement difficulties. Belgrave et AL. reported that although while adequate for the most part the instrument (e.g., Drug Usage) was insensitive to the respondents due to their young ages, ranging 8½ to 13 years. • An additional limitation concerned self-report measures