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Role of Time and Space in Social Science Research

Role of Time and Space in Social Science Research. Yu Xie University of Michigan. Third Principle. Patterns of population variability vary with social context, which is often defined by time and space. “Social Context Principle”. Different “Regimes” of Variability.

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Role of Time and Space in Social Science Research

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  1. Role of Time and Space in Social Science Research Yu Xie University of Michigan

  2. Third Principle • Patterns of population variability vary with social context, which is often defined by time and space. • “Social Context Principle”

  3. Different “Regimes” of Variability • Social contexts are different from social groups in that the former are self-contained social systems with natural boundaries, for example by time and space. • Patterns of individual variability may be governed by “relationships” between individuals that are not reducible to individuals’ attributes. • Patterns of individual variability may be governed by macro-level conditions such as “social structure,” “political structure,” or “culture,” which may be discontinuous and fixed. • Collective action may lead to changes of macro-level conditions and human relationships –major sources of social change. [Premise of Marxism.]

  4. Accounting for Heterogeneous Responses • More difficult to handle, a degree of freedom problem. • Possible with nested data, assuming that patterns of relationships are homogeneous (or following a distribution) within social contexts (by time or space). • dk is allowed to vary across k (k=1,…K), social context, but is fixed within k. For example: • Yik = ak + dkDik + eikak = l+fzk+mk dk = g1+szk+nk • Application of the Social Context Principle.

  5. Comments • Comment 1: It is possible to impose a parametric assumption on individual-level di, but the results are dependent on the assumption. (Bayesian approach.) • Comment 2: Nested (or hierarchical) structure could be used for time-variation or spatial variation. A key assumption: there are common features that are shared by different elements in a common social context. • Comment 3: If variations across social contexts are systematic, they can be modeled (i.e., multi-level models, or hierarchical linear models, random-coefficient models, and growth-curve models). If such variations are left as observed (or saturated), we have the fixed-effects model.

  6. Two Important Features of Time and Space • 1. Commonality: sameness or similarity across different units of analysis within a common domain of time/space. This is the basis for multi-level modeling. • 2. Continuity/contiguity: social contexts are more different if they are further apart in time/space. This is the basis for temporal/spatial autocorrelation.

  7. Why Study Variation by Time and Space? • Accounting for temporal and spatial variation is of intrinsic scientific value. • Temporal variation allows us to study dynamic processes and test theoretical hypotheses. • If we cannot observe dynamic processes, under strong assumptions, spatial variation provides an alternative (“reading history sideways”) • This is the basis for comparative sociology.

  8. Research Designs for the Study of Temporal Variation • Time series study: N=1, t =1, …T. Almost always the aggregate for a population. • Trend study: it=1…Nt, t=1,..T, not same i’s observed over time. • Panel study, i=1…N, t=1,..T, N >>T.Same i’s observed over time. • Event history study, n=1…N, t=1,..T,T >>N Same i’s observed over time.

  9. Spatial Analysis • Is similar to trend study. • Cannot observe the same persons in multiple times.

  10. Focus of the Classical Chicago School of Sociology • Importance of residential location “locational attainment”. • Effects of neighborhood on socioeconomic attainment. • Earlier work on assimilation experiences of European immigrants.

  11. Controlling Heterogeneity Via Fixed Effects Model • Is done at the individual level in a panel study == assuming that there are unobserved, fixed characteristics at the individual level. • Is done at the contextual level in a multi-level or trend study == assuming that there are unobserved, fixed characteristics at the contextual level.

  12. Time versus Space regarding Commonality and Continuity • Commonality is usually a stronger assumption for a spatial entity than for a unit observed over time. • Boundary could be arbitrary • Assumed commonality may not be actually true • Temporal continuity is not symmetrical. Past affects future. • “1st Law of geography”  distance decay function in space. • Space could be social rather than geographic.

  13. Two Primary Demographic Sources of Social Change • 1. Cohort replacement. • Cohort is no more than one way to define social grouping. Significance depends on social consequence. • There are within-cohort differences: between and within other forms of social grouping. • It intersects with period: If there is a non-repeatable significant juncture early in life (such as education), it’s social consequences are likely to be cohort effects, • 2. Life-course. • Within-cohort change. • Primarily a function of age. • Serves also as a principle of social grouping. There is variability between and within other forms of social grouping.

  14. Two Sources of “Autocorrelation” • 1. For different individuals (i=1,..N) in a common environment (k), they may share a common error (variance component model). E.g, Yik = a + dDik + mk + eik • 2. Individuals in adjacent social contexts (say k and k+1) are more similar to each other than individuals located in distant social contexts (social contagion effects). That is,mk andmk+1 may be correlated. We usually only consider autocorrelation of order 1 across contexts (immediate neighbor effect).

  15. Problem of Age, Period, and Cohort • Linear dependency: Cohort + age = period. Cohort = period - age • Various devices have been made. They all require untestable assumptions and thus debatable. • Problem is often a substantive one. Requires knowledge of the subject matter.

  16. Reading History Sideways? • Arland Thornton’s 2001 PAA presidential address and 2005 book. • Spatial variation should not be mistaken as temporal variation. • Major reason for the failure of social Darwinism. • Reasons: contextual variability, such as culture, and path-dependency.

  17. Example 1 (Xie and Hannum 1996, AJS) • Motivated by Nee’s market transition theory. • Research question 1: are earnings returns to education higher in Chinese cities that have experienced more rapid economic growth than in other cities? • Research question 2: are earnings returns to political capital (CCP) lower in Chinese cities that have experienced more rapid economic growth than in other cities?

  18. Xie and Hannum’s Results • The study is based on a multi-level model. • Two main findings: • No regional variation in the influences of political capital and gender on earnings. • Education returns are lower, not higher, in cities that have experienced more economic development (but with higher intercepts) than in other cities.

  19. Example 2 (Hauser and Xie 2005, SSR) • An extension of Xie and Hannum, using trend data between 1988 and 1995 in 35 Chinese cities. • Temporal-spatial design. • Capitalizing on differential rates of economic growth by region.

  20. Hauser and Xie’s Findings • Net returns to schooling almost doubled for both men and women during this period. Returns to party membership, net of other factors, more than doubled. • These increases in returns to human capital and political capital do not account for the remarkable rise in the overall level of inequality. • Increases in returns to schooling were depressed in cities experiencing greater levels of economic growth in the intervening period.

  21. Example 3 (Raymo and Xie 2000, ASR) • Research Questions: • How does educational homogamy change in response to economic development? • Is there a unique East Asian regime in educational homogamy? • The study is again temporal-spatial, although relying only on data from four geographic units.

  22. Raymo and Xie’s Findings • There has been declines in the strength of educational assortative mating. • But there appears a convergence across US. China, and Japan. • Thus, no unique Confucian pattern of very high levels of educational assortative mating.

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