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The rise and fall of Hungarian complex tenses

The rise and fall of Hungarian complex tenses

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The rise and fall of Hungarian complex tenses

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  1. The rise and fall of Hungariancomplextenses Katalin É. Kiss (Linguistics Institute of theHungarianAcademy of Sciences)

  2. Goal: • toreconstructhow and whycomplextensesappearedinHungariangrammar; • toshow how and whytheydisappeared 1000 yearslater; • toarguefortherole of languagecontactsinsyntacticchange; • toidentifytriggers of contact-inducedsyntacticchange

  3. ComplextensesinOld Hungarian,marking tense & aspect: (1) V+Aspect+Agr BE+Tense/Mood SimplePresent: V-(Tense)-Agr: mond-tok say-2pl SimplePast: V-Tense-Agr: mond-á-tok say-past-2pl PresentPerfect: V-Asp-Agr: mond-ta-tok say-prf-2pl PastImperfect: V-(Asp)-AgrBE-Tense:mond-tokval-a say-2plbe-past PastPerfect: V-Asp-AgrBE-Tense: mond-ta-tokval-a say-prf-2plbe-past Prf. Conditional: V-Asp-AgrBE-Cond:mond-ta-tokvol-na say-prf-2plbe-cond

  4. Inthesisterlanguages (Khanty, Mansi) & most otherUraliclanguages: onlyPresent & Past. Traditionalhistoricallinguistics (Benkő 1991-1992): complextenseswerecreatedbytranslatorsinthe Old Hungarianperiodtorender Latin tenses

  5. Argumentsagainstborrowingfrom Latin:i. Latin has no complextensesinactivevoice ii. thecomplextenseswerepresent prior tolargescaletranslationfrom Latin: (2)a. es odu-tt-avol-aneki paradisumuthazoa and give-prf-3sgbe-pasthimParadisehouse-for ’andhad givenhimParadiseforhis house’ (1195) b. turchucatmigezocozt-iavol-a throat-3pl-accprtrive-3sgbe-past ’itwasrivingtheirthroat’ (1195)

  6. Argumentsagainstborrowingfrom Latin: iii. ComplextenseswerepresentinOH private letters; iv. theyarestillpresentinthe most archaic dialects; v. theperfectconditional has survivedin Modern Hungarian (3) mond-ta-tokvol-na say-prf-2plbe-cond

  7. New explanation: complextensesborrowedfrom West Old Turkic (Ogur/Khazar/Bulgarian) Erdal’s (2004) Old TurkicGrammar: (4) öŋdünsözlä-di-Øär-di earliersay-past-3sgbe-past ’hadsaid (it) earlier’ (5) te-di-mizär-sär say-past-1plbe-cond ’wewouldhavesaid’

  8. Chuvash(thedescendant of WOT): be+pastcliticizedtothe Vmarkedfortense and agr. (6)a. şyra-tt-ăm-ččĕ work-durativepast-1sg-be.past b.şyr-satt-ăm-ččĕ work-preterit-1sg-be.past

  9. Whenand wheredidtheborrowinghappen? 7-8thcenturies: HungariansbelongtoTurkictribalalliancesbetweentheDneper and Dnester; 9thcentury: theHungariantribalallianceincorporatestheKabars and otherTurkicfragments. ConstantinePorphyrogennetos(reigning 913-959) De administrandoimperio: Hungariansarebilingual, theyalsospeakthelanguage of Khazars.

  10. Howdidtheborrowingtakeplace? Uraliclanguages: variousparticiples & gerundswith overt subjects and agreement: (7) men-t-emval-a-Ø go-gerund-poss.1sgbe-past-3sg ’mygoingwas [tookplace]’ men-t-edval-a-Ø go-gerund-poss.2sgbe-past-3sg ’yourgoingwas [tookplace]’

  11. Reanalysis: [V + gerund+ poss.agr] + finitecopula[V + aspect + subj.agr.]+ temporalaux. (8) mond-t-amval-a-Ømond-t-amval-a say-gerund-poss.1sgbe-past-3sgsay-perf-1sgbe-past ‘mysayingtookplace’ ’I had said’

  12. Analogicalextension: (8) mond-t-amval-amond-omval-a say-perf-1sgbe-pastsay-1sgbe-past ’I had said’ ’I wassaying’ Abstraction: (9) mond-t-amval-amond-t-am say-perf-1sgbe-pastsay-perf-1sg ’I had said’ ’I havesaid’

  13. The sameprocessin 4 otherFinno-Ugriclanguages, at a differenttimeand location: W. Old Turkic–Udmurt, Mari, Komi, Mordvin contacts: sincethe9thcenturyalongtheVolga. (10) Udmurt: a. mịni-śkem ’I havegone’ go-prf.1sg b. mịni-śkemval ’I had gone’ go-prf.1sgbe.past

  14. Sameaspect and agreement, differenttense: • Mari a. tolӛnam ’I havecome’ b. tolӛnamӛl’e’I had come’ Differentaspect, sameagreement and tense: (12) Komi a. munavȩli ’I wasgoing’ b. munȩmavȩli ’I had gone’

  15. Theoreticalimplication: Iflanguageacquisitionhappensin a bilingualenvironmentinvolving L1 and L2, XPL1can be assignedthestructure of thecorrespondingXPL2– providedXPL1 and XPL2arecloseenoughfunctionally.

  16. Complextensesin Old Hungarian: (13) ualanemynemewtusciabelyvr … kyczudakert wassomeTuscia-from lord whomiracles-for kyket zent fferenczrewlhallott-uala … whichStFrancis-abouthear-prf-3sg-be-past zent ferenczetlattny es hallanyygenkyuannya-uala StFrancis-accto.see and to.hearvery.muchwish-3sg-be-past ’therewassome gentleman fromTusciawho, because of themiracles he had heardaboutSt Francis, waswishingtosee and hearhimverymuch’ (Jókai C. 1370/14487)

  17. 16thcentury: attrition of complextenses: -tperfectnesssuffix is supplanting-a/ePastsuffix (14) • Ki hallo-tt-avol-tvalamikoron ezt … whohear-t-3sg be-teverthat-acc ’who had everheardthat…’ (Döbrentei C. 1508) b. zenthagostonkythaneyt-yavol-tọteth StAugustinewhoteach-3sg be-thim ’SaintAugustinewhowasteachinghim’ (Winkler C. 1506)

  18. Rates of pasttensesintestimonies of witnessesinlegaldocumentsbetw. 1582-84: (15) -t: 85,2%; -a/e: 2,9%; -t + volt: 9,6%; Ø + volt: 2,4%.

  19. The reasonfortheloss of complextenses: thespreading of verbalparticles Inearliesttexts: sporadicoccurrence of telicizingparticles. (16) Habitualtelicactions: kikètakar-ualameg-o̗l-uala who-pl-accwants-be.pstprt-kills-be.pst kikètakar-ualameg-uèr-uala(Vienna C. 1416) who-pl-accwants-be.pstprt-beats-be.pst ‘whom he would he slew; whom he would he put down’ (17) Abortivetelicactions: meg-foguanm̄gfoit’a-uala o̗tet prt-grabbingprtthrottles-be.psthim ‘havinggrabbed, he wasthrottlinghim (Munich C. 1416)

  20. Particlesgraduallyspreadtoallteliccontexts; toeveryaccomplishment/achievement V. Kiefer (2010): „Aktionsartenderivedbypreverbs is a Sprachbundphenomenonwhosecentralarea is Slavic. ItcomprisesHungarian, Lithuanian, Yiddish, German and Romani, and excludesRomance.” 

  21. Hungarian – SlaviccontactsaftersettlingintheCarpathianbasinin896 Slavicminimalpairs: PRT+V  V [+ telic] [-telic] e.g. Russian ’toread’: pro-chitat’ chitat’ ’toeat’: po-est’ est’ (thesamein Old ChurchSlavonic, Kamphuis 2013)

  22. ReanalyisinHungarian: PRT+V -- Vpairsassignedthefeatures [+telic] [-telic], e.g.: el-jön jön prt-come [+telic]: [-telic]: ‘come & arrive’ ’becoming’ Analogicalextension: AlltelicVsgetsuppliedwith a verbalparticle; allbare V areassignedthefeature [-telic].

  23. Lord’sPrayerintheMunichCodex (1416/1466):no particle Munichrecord (late15th c.): no particleinthecopy of thewrittenprayer; 3 particlesintherecording of theoral version: (18) ësmeg-bozässät mi vëtkenkët. and prt-forgive.imp.2sgoursins mikëpenës mi mag-boczätunkvëtëtëknek … asalsoweprt-forgivesinners-dat de säbädicz-mkmikët a gonostwl butfree-prtustheevil-from ‘and forgiveusourdebts, aswealsoforgiveourdebtors… butdeliverusfromevil’

  24. Lord’sprayerinthe Károli Biblefrom 1590: 7 particles (4 more) (19) szenteltessécmeg …Iöijönel … hallowed-beprtcomeprt Légyenmeg … addmeg be prtgiveprt ‘Hallowed be yourname. Yourkingdomcome, yourwill be done… Giveusthisdayourdailybread’

  25. Reanalysis: (20)a. TP b. AgrSP T AgrSP vala AgrOPAgrSAgrOPAgrS -tok-tok AspPAgrOTPAgrO -á-á PredPAspAspP T -t-t SpecPred’ SpecAsp’ megmeg Pred VP Asp VP mond mond V V mondmond (meg)mondtátok vala megmondtátok

  26. Grammaticalizedviewpointaspect marking replacedbygrammaticalizedsituationaspect marking. The sameprocessintheSlaviclanguages exceptforBulgarian (Meillet 1934).

  27. Conclusion: Syntaxacquiredinbilingualenvironment is pronetocontact-inducedreanalysis.

  28. References: Benkő, L. (1991-92) A magyar nyelv történeti nyelvtana. Budapest, Akadémiai. Chuastuanift: É. Kiss K. (2006) Fromthegrammaticalization of viewpointaspecttothegrammaticalization of situationaspect. In É. Kiss (ed.) EventStructure and theLeftPeriphery, Springer, 129-157. Erdal, Marcel (2004) A Grammar of Old Turkic. Leiden, Brill. Kamphuis, Jaap (2013) Verbalaspectin Old ChurchSlavonic, Ph. D. Diss. Kiefer, F. (2010): Areal-typologicalaspects of word-formation, in: F. Rainer et al. (eds.), Variation and ChangeinMorphology. Benjamins, 129–148. Meillet, Antoine. 1934. Le slavecommun. Paris: Institutd’étudesslaves.