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Phrasal tone domains in San Mateo Huave Marjorie Pak email@example.com Speech Lunch Presentation University of Pennsylvania November 9, 2006.
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Speech Lunch Presentation
University of Pennsylvania
November 9, 2006
Words with final H Words with final HLa. kàwák ‘chicozapote (fruit tree)’ a. kàwâk‘south’b. mów ‘grasshopper’ b. yôw ‘water’c. nàdám ‘big’ c. nàngân ‘sweet’d. nàšéy ‘man’ d. kôy ‘rabbit’
tím šíkè [tàhàwás námbéór kòy] (< kôy)yesterday I see.1sg.pst black rabbit‘Yesterday I saw a black rabbit.’
tím šíkè [tàhàwás námbéór kóy tílám]yesterday I see.1s.pst black rabbit in.river‘Yesterday I saw a black rabbit in the river.’
d. Inner cycle (NP): Line 1 feet are unbounded, right-headed. Promote heads to line 2.
2 * 1 (* *) 0 (* *) (*) nambeo<r> ko<y> ‘black rabbit’
line 3 *line 2 (* *)line 1 * (* *)line 0 (* * *) (* *) (*) tahawa<s> nambeo<r> ko<y> ‘[I] saw a black rabbit’Lexical L: tahawas nambeor kòyPhrasal H: tahawás nambeor kòyHTP: tahawás námbéór kòyDefault L:tàhàwás námbéór kòy
Subjects (when overt) undergo their own outer cycle and remain phonologically separate from the vP:
line 3 x xline 2 (x) (x x)line 1 (x) x (x x) line 0 (x x) (x x x) (x x) (x x) nehi<w> tahawu<w> nakant<s> ola<m> ‘they’ ‘saw red sugarcane’
Lexical L: nehìw -- (cf. isolation òlám)Phrasal H: nehîw tahawúw nakants olamHTP: -- tahawúw nákánts ólámDefault L:nèhîw tàhàwúw nákánts ólám
nèhîw tàhàwúw nákánts ólám‘They saw red sugarcane.’
325 phrases of various types (SVO, VO, VOS, SV, VS, ditransitives, NPs in isolation, etc…)
5 native San Mateo speakers (4f, 1m, ages 14-45, all bilingual Spanish-Huave)
Interviews conducted in July 2004 and July 2006.
Most data elicited by providing Spanish phrase and asking for Huave equivalent; usually one repetition was requested.
24 sentences were read.
Observation 1: The verb groups together with all following objects and modifiers.
[nèhîw] [tàhčúw nérráár yów námbéór íchwèàìk]they give.3p.pst hot water black monkey ‘They gave hot water to a black monkey.’ (vvv33)
[mìkwàl šèkòmbúl] [àpmúúč ákókíáw čípín óšép áágá nášéy kìàh]son.pos friend.1pos give.3s.fut five tomato tomorrow the man there ‘My friend’s son will give 5 tomatoes to that man tomorrow.’ (avv 31)
Observation 2: Preverbal subjects and preverbal time/place adverbs form their own phrases.
[šíkè] [tàšèhpíùs] I bathe.1s.pst ‘I bathed.’ (zss11-12)
[nìngúy] [òlám] [ngò màtâng] here cane not grow‘Sugarcane does not grow here.’ (avv43)
Observation 3: But postverbal subjects (and adverbs) group together with the verb.
[tàšèhpíúsá šíkè] bathe.1s.pst I‘I bathed.’
[nìngíy] [ngò màtáng ólám] here not grow cane‘Sugarcane does not grow here.’
Occasionally, vPs are broken down into two domains:
[šíkè][sàngànéów cháw pópóš šówúy lángàn] [šíkè][sàngànéówcháw pópóš][šòwùy làngân]pro.1s drink.1s atole foam very sweet‘I drink very sweet foam atole.’ (zss44b)
In one case, a subject and a verb grouped together:
[nèhíw ákíándùw] pro.3p stick.3p‘ellos se pegan’ (they fight? they stick to each other?)(cg29-29)
But mismatched parses like (SV)(AdjO) are so far unattested.
Postverbal subjects/adverbs are structurallycloserto the verb than preverbal subjects/adverbs.
Preverbal subjects/adverbs have moved to a clause-peripheral position (SpecCP).
[CPsubject [TP …verb object subject …]]
Anything below a predetermined cut-off point (e.g. TP) gets spelled out as a single domain; constituents that have moved above this point are spelled out separately.