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The role of historical corpora in the reconstruction of proto-syntax. Katalin É. Kiss Research Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy , and Pázmány Péter Catholic University. Can proto-syntax be reconstructed ?. Lightfoot (2002): No, because

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the role of historical corpora in the reconstruction of proto syntax

The role of historicalcorporainthereconstruction of proto-syntax

Katalin É. Kiss

Research Institute forLinguistics of theHungarianAcademy, and

Pázmány Péter Catholic University

can proto syntax be reconstructed
Canproto-syntax be reconstructed?

Lightfoot (2002): No, because

  • there is no theory of linguisticchange, aslinguisticchange is chaotic;
  • thecomparativemethod is onlyapplicableinthereconstruction of proto-lexemes.
campbell and harris 2002 pires and thomason 2008 a harris 2008 etc
Campbell and Harris (2002), Pires and Thomason (2008), A. Harris (2008), etc.:

yes, onthebasis of regularsyntacticcorrespondences of cognatesinrelatedlanguages, + directionalitygeneralizations.

Von Mengden:

Yes, onthebasis of implicationaluniversals, and byundoinggrammaticalization.

how to identify syntactic cognates
Howtoidentifysyntacticcognates?

Roberts & Roussou (2003), Longobardi (2003): Syntacticcognates: theparametricvalues of UniversalGrammar.

Alice Harris (2008):

Onthebasis of functional, distributional and phonologicalcorrespondence.

a problem for establishing uralic syntactic correspondence sets
A problemforestablishingUralicsyntacticcorrespondencesets:

Hungarian and itsclosestsisters (theOb-Ugriclanguages ) parted 3000-4000 yearsago; theyaretoo far.

Hungariandocumentsonlysince 1192-95.

Proposal: obtainingcognatesforcomparison

byextendingbackwardsthe ʃ curves of linguisticchangesattestedinthedocumentedhistory of Hungarian.

the curve of linguistic changes
The ʃ curve of linguisticchanges:

The progress of a linguisticinnovation over timeformsan ʃ-curve (Osgood & Sebeok 1954, Weinrech, Labov & Herzog 1965, etc.)

The disappearingvariant (ʅ) representstheprevalentvariant of the previous, undocumented phase of the language.

obtaining evidence about proto ugric and early proto hungarian syntax
ObtainingevidenceaboutProto-Ugric and earlyProto-Hungariansyntax :

ReconstructinglateProto-Hungarianstructuresbythebackwardextension of ʃ-curves of linguisticchangesattestedinthedocumentedhistory of Hungarian;

findingcognatesinreconstructedlateProto-Hungarian and inpresent-dayOb-Ugric (Vogul and Ostyak).

.

a case study reconstructing the word order of proto hungarian
A casestudy: Reconstructingthewordorder of Proto-Hungarian

Hungarian has been Top Foc V X* throughoutitsdocumentedhistory (since 1192-95).

E.g.

[TopPozgimilsneki[FPvvlkeseruvk[VPuola[ti vize] tk]]]

thefruit-datsobitterwasjuice-3sg

’ofthefruit, sobitterwasthejuice’

  (FuneralSermon 1192-95)

slide9
ArgumentsthatProto-HungarianwasSOV:DecliningOVpatterns, spreadingVOpatternsinthehistorical corpus

DecliningS-curves:

  • DisappearingSOVclausetypes
  • Decreasingpreheadparticipialrelatives
  • Decreasingparticipialadverbialclauses
  • Decreasinginfinitivalcomplementclauses
  • Disappearingclause-finalcomplementizer
  • DisappearingV-adjoinednegativeparticle
  • DisappearingV-Auxiliaryorder
slide10

The decliningstructures must haveprevailedinProto-Hungarian.

Theyconvergewithcorrespondingstructures of Vogul and Ostyak ->

They must representUgricheritage.

1 disappearing sov clause types
1. DisappearingSOVclausetypes

Ostyak and more distantsisterlanguages:

StrictlySOVorder; object is unmarked, e.g.:

(1) Juwanjik-ə-lpilnaxo:p we:r-s-ə-ŋən.

Ivan son-3sgwithboatmake-past-ep-3d

‛Ivan made a boatwithhisson.’

(2)(luw) juwanre:sk-ə-s

he Ivan hit-ep-past.3sg

’He hit Ivan.’ (Nikolaeva 1999)

sov non finite clauses with an unmarked object in old hungarian
SOVnon-finiteclauseswith an unmarkedobjectin Old Hungarian:

Infinitivalclauses:

(3) ne fordo’l’lon mˉg ǫ kǫntosǫfeluènninotturn-SUBJ-3SGback he gown-3SG-øput.on-INF

‘he shouldnotturn back toputonhisgown’(Munich C. a.1416)

Presentparticipialclauses:

(4) Kirallèuèliirokat

kingletters-3SG-øwriting-PL-ACC

‘thosewritingtheking’sletters’ (Vienna C. a.1416)

sov non finite clauses with an unmarked object in old hungarian1
SOVnon-finiteclauseswith an unmarkedobjectin Old Hungarian:

Perfectparticipialclauses

(5) Agyad meg ymmarbewnezantnak

give-IMP back nowsin-3SG-ørepented-DAT

‘giveit back nowtothatrepentedhis sin’

(Jókai C. a.1370)

Predicativeparticipialclauses

(6) ky zent fferenczetlewlteualaegyhazfeprette

whoStFrancis-ACCfoundchurch-NOMsweeping ‘whofoundSt Francis sweepingthechurch’

(Jókai C. a.1370)

sov non finite clauses with an unmarked object in old hungarian2
SOVnon-finiteclauseswith an unmarkedobjectin Old Hungarian:

Adverbialparticipialclauses

(7) kyhaluanlegottan el mene

what-øhearingimmediatelyawaywent

‘whichhavingheard, he immediatelywent

away’ (Jókai C. a. 1370)

why was sov with an unmarked object preserved in non finite clauses
WhywasSOVwith an unmarkedobjectpreservedinnon-finiteclauses?
  • BecauseUgriclanguages displayed/display differentialobject marking, withonlytopicalobjectsmarked -> topic marking onlyin main clauses
  • Lightfoot (1991)’s degree-0learnability: childrenidentify/reanalyzethegrammar of theirmothertongueonthebasis of rootclauses ->

embeddedclausesare more conservative

the fast decline of unmarked objects
The fastdecline of unmarkedobjects:

Codexes: tokensunmarkedOstoken/unm.O

Jókai C. a1370: 22 733 42 540

MunichC. a1416: 69 589 78 892

Apor C. a1416: 22 118 18 1382

ViennaC. a1416: 54 423 24 2268

JordánszkyC.

a. 1516: 200 185 16 12 511

accusative marking vo order
Accusative marking  VOorder:

(8) Munich C. (a.1416) Matthew 4,20:

Azoc [legottanhaloiocmeghaguā] kǫuetecǫtet

theyimmediatelynet-3PL-øleavingfollowedhim

‘Leavingtheir net immediately, theyfollowedhim’

(9) Jordánszky C. (a.1516):

Azok kedyg [legottanel hagywanhaloyokat]

theyhoweverimmediatelyoffleavingnet-3PL-ACC

es hayoyokat] kóweteekhewtet

and boat-3PL-ACCfollowedhim

fossilized ov structures with unmarked o in modern hungarian
FossilizedOVstructureswithunmarked O in Modern Hungarian:

(10)

a. szava tartó ember

word-3SG-økeeping man ‘a man keepinghisword’

Mi tévő legyek?

what-ødoingbe-1SG ‘Whatshall I be doing?’

b. esze vesztett ember,

mind-3SG-ølost ‘ man ‘a man havinglosthis mind’

c. kalap levéve

hat-øoff-taking ‘takingoffthe hat’

2 decreasing participial relatives
2. Decreasingparticipialrelatives

WALS: SOV -> preheadrelatives; gaprelativization

Ostyak: non-finitepreheadrelatives

(11) [(mä) tini-m-äm] loγ

I sell-PastPart-1SGhorse

‘thehorsewhich I sold’

(12) [Naŋmo:sməlt-əm] o:xa:r-e:n jel an man-l

youwound-PastPartfox-2SG far notgo-Pr.3SG

’Thefoxwhichyouwoundeddoesnot go far.’

old hungarian participial relatives
Old Hungarianparticipialrelatives

(13) Es ueǵed az neko̗d zo̗rzo̗ttemCoronat

and taketheyou-DATobtain-PP-1SGcrown-ACC

‘and takethecrownwhich I obtainedforyou’

(Kazinczy C. 1526)

decreasing of gap relativization increasing number of relative pronouns
Decreasing of gaprelativization;increasingnumber of relativepronouns

Number of therelativepronounswho, what, whichin St. Matthew’sGospel:

Munich C. (a. 1416): 225

Jordánszky C. (a. 1516): 314

Károli Bible (1590): 330

semi productive gap relativization in modern hungarian
Semi-productivegaprelativizationin Modern Hungarian:

(14)a. az[anyám sütötte] kenyér

themother-1SGbaked-PastPart-3SGbread

‘thebreadwhichmymotherbaked’

b. egy [tanárok vezette] vetélkedő

a teachersadminister-PastPart-3SGquiz

‘a quizwhichteachersadministered’

Onlylexicalsubject, and 3SGagreement.

3 decreasing non finite adverbial clauses
3. Decreasingnon-finiteadverbialclauses

WALS: SOV -> nonfiniteadverbialclauses

Ostyak: onlynon-finitesubordination

(15) [Kase:-m man-ti jupina] li-tipit-l-əm

pain-1SGgo-PARTaftereat-INFstart-PRES-1SG

‘I start eatingaftermypainstops.’

hawkins s 2001 performance theory of word order
Hawkins’s (2001) performance theory of wordorder

The ConstituentRecognition Domain for a phrasalmothernodeconsists of theset of nodesthatareminimallyneededtorecognizeitscategory, and itsmajor constituents.

OptimallinearordersminimizetheConstituentRecognition Domain. The shortestrecognitiondomainfora matrix VP with a clausalcomplementcontainsthematrixverb and thesubordinator.

Inan SOVsentence, thisdomain is shortestifthesubordinator is a participialsuffixontheembeddedverb, left-adjacenttothematrixverb.

old hungarian
Old Hungarian:

(16) [Nap kedigfelkèluē] meg hèuọlėnc

suncoordrisingPrtburned-past-3sg

’Thesunhavingrisen, theyburned.’ (Munich C. a. 1416)

MiddleHungarian:

(17) Mykoron az nap fel tamadotwolna,

whenthesunuprise-perf-3sgbe-past

meg swteewket

prtburn-past.3sgthem

’Whenthesun had risen, itburnedthem.’

(Gábor Pesthi, Novum Testamentum 1536)

decreasing number of non finite adverbial clauses
Decreasingnumber of non-finiteadverbialclauses

Number of -ván/vén clausesinStMatthew:

  • Munich C. a. 1416: 486
  • Jordánszky C. a. 1516: 322
  • Károli Bible 1590: 286
4 decreasing infinitival clauses
4. Decreasinginfinitivalclauses

Ostyak: finitecomplementclausesonlyintheRussifiedspeech of theyoung.

(18) [porniŋimijuw-əm] wa:n-mantaj-l-əlli

Por womancome-PastPsee-PARThave-Pr-3SG

‘Shesawthat a Por womancame.’

Infinitiveswith PRO subject:

(19) luw-e:l [ø man-ti] mo:sl

he-ACCleave-INFneed-Pr3SG

‘He has toleave.’

old h a much larger set of vs taking an infinitive clause than in middle mod h
Old H: a muchlargerset of Vstaking an infinitiveclausethaninMiddle/Mod.H

CompareMatthew 14,19:

(20) És mikor parancsolt volna az gyölekezetnek

and whenorderedAUXthecrowd-DAT

‘And when he orderedthecrowd’

a. leülni az szénán (Munich C. a1416)

down-sit-INFthegrass-on

b. hogy le ülnénec az füuen(Károli Bible 1590)

that down sit-SUBJ-3PLthegrass-on

5 disappearing clause final interrogative particle
5. Disappearingclause-finalinterrogativeparticle

SOV Vogul and Ostyak:

clause-finalinterrogativeparticle

(21)a. titχujew-ä

here sleep.1pl-q

’Dowesleep here?’ (Vogul)

b. nèηemtǒttεù.tot-á

wife-1sgtherewas-q

’Wasmywifethere?’ (Ostyak)

e a cognate interrogative particle in old modern hungarian
-e: a cognateinterrogativeparticlein Old/Modern Hungarian

Old Hungarian: clause-finalorV-adjoined-e:

(22) Nemdèkètvèrèbecadatnaceģfelpenzenė?

nottwosparrowsgive-pass-3plhalfcoin-onq

’Arenottwosparrowssoldfor a farthing?’

(Munich C., Matthew 10,29)

(23) Il’l’esvag ėtè?

Elias areqyou

’Areyou Elias?’ (Munich C., John 1,21)

middle mod hungarian e adjoined to the v or to a preverbal element
Middle/Mod. Hungarian: -eadjoinedtothe V (orto a preverbalelement)

Jordánszky C. (a 1516)

(24) Nem de ket verebek adatnak ee

nottwosparrowsgive-pass-3plq

eǵffelpenzen?

halfcoin-on

(25) yllyesvagy eethe?

Elias areq you

6 disappearing v adjoined negative particle
6. DisappearingV-adjoinednegativeparticle

Ostyak: pre-Vnegativeparticle

(26) Taminaŋke:se:-nant u:-l

thisyouknife-2SGNEGbe-Pr.3SG

‘This is notyourknife.’

(27) Niŋ ne:ŋxiantaj-əl

woman man NEGhave-Pr.3SG

old hungarian two negative constructions
Old Hungarian: twonegativeconstructions
  • PRTNEG V – withNEGleft-adjoinedto V:

(28) Rázódott nádat meg nem szeg (Munich C.)

bruisedreed-ACCPRTnotbreaks

‘A bruised reed shall he not break’

(ii) NEG V … PRT– with V raisedtoNEG:

(29) És nem esmeré meg őtet(Munich C.)

and notknewPRTher

‘And knewhernot’

evidence of v to neg movement in the innovative pattern
Evidence of V-to-NEGmovementintheinnovativepattern:

(30)

[NegPnem fyzetteli[VP telyesseguel[VP megti]]]

notpaidcompletelyup

’…youhavenotpaidupcompletely’ (Jókai C.)

7 disappearing v auxiliary order
7. DisappearingV-Auxiliaryorder

Old Hungariancomplextenseswith a temporalaux. arecognatewith Udmurt complextenses

(Udmurt: a sisterlanguage. Hungarians and Udmurtsshared a habitatin 600-700 AD)

Hun.men-niUd.mini-ni ‘go-INF’

megy-ekmini-sko ‘go-Pr.1SG’

megy-ekvalamini-skoval ‘go-PastCont.1SG’

ment-emmin-em ‘go-PrPerf.1SG’

men-t-emvalamin-emval ‘go-PastPerf.1SG’

old hungarian complex tenses strict v aux order
Old Hungarian: complextenses, strictV-Auxorder

(31) És imé az czillag, mellyetláttacvala

and lothestarwhich-ACCsee-PERF.3PLbe-PAST

nap keleten, elöttöcmégyenvala

east-inbefore.themgo-3SGbe-PAST

‘And, lo, the star, which they had seen in the

east, wasgoing before them’

disappearing temporal auxiliary present perfect reinterpreted as past
Disappearingtemporalauxiliary; presentperfectreinterpretedaspast

(32) És íme, a csillag, amelyet napkeleten

and lothestarwhich-ACCeast-in

láttak, előttük haladt,

see-PAST.3PLbefore.themprocede-PAST-3SG

(Neovulgata 1969)

surviving auxiliaries aux v order in the unmarked case
Survivingauxiliaries: Aux-Vorderintheunmarkedcase

(33)

hogy ehsegtewl sok emberekfognak meg halny

thathunger-frommanypeplewill-3plprt die

’thatmanypeoplewill die fromhunger’ (Jókai C. a. 1370)

summary
Summary

Ostyak and Hungarianaretoofaretocontaincognatesto be compared.

The backwardextension of ʃ-curvescreatedonthebasis of historicalcorporamakesitpossibletoreconstructlateProto-Hungariansyntax.

LateProto-Hungarian and present-dayOstyakarecloseenoughtoreconstructsyntacticproperties of theirsharedancester.