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Again on pigs in ancient Europe – the Fennic Connection

Again on pigs in ancient Europe – the Fennic Connection. Adam Hyllested ah@hum.ku.dk. ”Substratum” words for ’pig’, ’boar’, ’sow’ in Celtic.

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Again on pigs in ancient Europe – the Fennic Connection

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  1. Again on pigs in ancient Europe– the Fennic Connection Adam Hyllested ah@hum.ku.dk

  2. ”Substratum” words for ’pig’, ’boar’, ’sow’ in Celtic • Eric Hamp, 1987. The pig in ancient Northern Europe. S.N.Skomal & E.C. Polomé: Proto-Indo-European: The ar-chaeology of a linguistic problem [Fs. Gimbutas]. 185-190. • A special cultural place for the pig in N Europe. Lots of non-IE terms. In Celtic alone, the following are unexplained: • PCelt. *mokku- ’swine’(OIr mucc, W moch, Gaul. PN Moccus) • PCelt. *sukko- ’sow’ (W hwch,OIr socc-) • PCelt. *turko- ’boar’ (W twrch, OIr torc) • Pcelt. *banuo- ’young pig’ (W banw, OIr banb) • W cranan ’wild sow’, OIr cráin f. ’sow’ • OIr mat, mata f. ’pig’ • OIr cribais, cribu(i)s ’pig’ • OIr fithend m. ’boar’ (?)

  3. Pre-Proto-Celtic contacts with Fennic Can we identify the source of (some of) these terms? Hyllested 2010: ”The Precursors of Celtic and Germanic”. Stephanie Jamison, Craig Melchert & Brent Vine: Proceedings of the 21st Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference. Bremen: Hempen. 107-128. Parts of the non-IE ”substratum” vocabulary are better explained as loans from Proto-Fennic into neighbouring IE dialects which only later evolved into Celtic and Germanic (as we define them by the operation of particular sound-laws). Some similarities are exclusively Celtic-Fennic, e.g. PCelt. *magos ’plain, open field’~ PU *maγe ’land’ (Fi. maa) NIr lón, pl. lóinte ’lunch’ ~ LPFennic *louna ’southwest; noon; lunch’, derived from PU *luwe ’south’ (borrowed into Baltic independently, cf. Latv. launags ’lunch’)

  4. PCelt. *mokku- ’pig’ OIr mucc (f.), W moch, Bret. moc’h ’pig’, Gaul. Moccus, a swine divinity (> MLG mocke) Hamp: “This etymon is notably lacking in IE cognates, a striking fact for the most pervasive generic lexeme for the pig. I propose that we credit as its source the North European substratum …” <-- Balto-Fennic *emokke, *emakko Fi. emakko, emokki ‘sow’,Est. emak, derivative with -kko from emä ‘mother, also of animal’. The variant with -okk- is represented both in N and S Fennic and looks old. Deletion of e- seems to presuppose stress shift to -mók-. We will deal with this in a moment.

  5. PCelt. *sukko- ’sow’ W hwch, OBret. hoch, OIr socc- ‘sow’ Classical etymology < *seu-k-, variant or extension of *seuH- ’to suck’ (cf. *suH-s ’swine’) But: Kroonen, Guus, 2011: “Neuniederländisch zeug ‘Sau’ und spugen ‘speien’: zwei Fällen von paradigmatischem Wechsel der Westgermanischen Verschärfung?”. ABäG 67(Fs. Quak): 145-157. OE sugu,Mod.Du. zeug ‘so’ simply has -g- from hiatus or -w- between two high vowels if at least one of them is u as a regular development in most of W Germanic Lat. sucula is formed with a regular diminutive -cula to vocalic stems (cf. auri-cula, avi-cula, api-cula) Skt. sū-kára- ‘sow’ is a compound, lit. ‘pig-producer’ Result: PIE *seuk- does not exist, and Celtic *sukko- needs a source.

  6. Latvian cūka ‘pig’ (I) PCelt. *sukko- is somewhat reminiscent of Latvian cūka whose etymology is also disputed: In native Latv. words c- usually occurs before -e-, -i- because it has developed from late palatalization, or it is a borrowing from Estonian, cf. Latv. cirele ‘lilac’ < Est. tsirel, dial. for standard sirel Endzelīns: cūka < *sūka (PIE *seuH-; thus irregular c-!) Karulis: zero-grade of *keu-/*kū-, cf. kaûkt 'yell; howl’, Lith. kiaulė ‘pig’ (Hamp = W Cul- in Culhwch), toponyms such as Kūkas, presumably ‘place with a lot of wild pigs’.Implies an analogically mixed root (PBalt. *kiau-/*kū- >> *kiau-/*kiū-)

  7. Latvian cūka ‘pig’ (II) and back to PCelt. *sukko- No need to go far for a source: Proto-Fennic *tsuka > Karelian čugu (regular < *čuka, BF *suka would have yielded **šugu), Fi. sika ‘pig’, Fi. dial. tsika (with irregular -i- for -u- as in lintu ‘bird’ < *lunta), borrowed into N Saami as sokke ‘pig’ (cf. lodde ‘bird’), confirming old u-vocalism. Latvian cūka ‘pig’ confirms the BF reconstruction with *ts-. Most probable origin for PCelt. *sukko- <-- Fennic *tsuka. An old word in Fenno-Volgaic (Mordvin tuvo ‘pig’< FV *tuka). Note Latv. mežacūka ‘wild boar’ ~ Fi. metsäsika ‘badger’ (metsä ‘forest’ is a Baltic borrowing)

  8. PCelt. *turko- ’wild boar’ W twrch, OIr torc ’wild boar’ Diffident standard etymology PIE *tworḱós based on Avest. hapax, zero-grade in Celtic unexplained: Hoffmann, Karl. 1967. Drei indogermanischen Tiernamen in einem Avesta-Fragment. MSS 22, 29-38. McCone, Kim. 1992: “OIr. torc, Av. θβərəsō < PIE *tworḱós “(cutter,) boar””. – MSS 53: 99-100. Lubotsky, Alexander. 1994. “Avestan ϑβōrəštar- and the Indo-European root √turḱ-”. – Die Sprache 36/1: 94-102. But: <-- Karelian torakko, torikko ‘tusk of wild boar’. Internally analyzable as a derivative with suffix -kko from tora ‘id.’, cf. Fi. tora-hammas ‘tusk’ (hammas ‘tooth’). From the verbal stem tora- ‘thrust’ (in Saami specifically of tusks of boar)

  9. Wild boar tusk

  10. N European IE *ḱer-n-, NW IE *ǵhor-io-s • Welsh (White Book of Rhydderch) cranan ’wild sow’ ~ OIr cráin f. ’sow’ • ~ Lith. šer̃nas ’wild boar’ • ~ Fr. chranni-chaltia ’pig’s den’ (Quak, Arend. 1983. Zu den salfränkischen Tierbezeichnungen. AbäG 19, 7-66) • < N European IE term ’wild boar’ < PIE *ḱer-n- ’horn’, referring to the tusk. Cf. Skt. śrngá- ’horn; elephant’s tusk’ • Fi. karjas, karju ’wild boar’ reminiscent, but rather <-- PGmc. *garjaz (reconstructed on the basis of Fennic only) or other non-attested kentum IE *ǵhór-io-s (Gk. χοίρος, Alb. derr). Normal FU substitution of satem *ǵh- is *s-, cf. Fi. salko ’pole, stake’<-- PIE *ǵhalgh- • Otherwise connected to Fi. karjainen ‘rut, rutting (of male animals)’, derived from karjua ‘to roar’, but cf. Est. karjane ‘shepherd’~ Fi. karja ‘livestock’

  11. Summary: Joint etymology of a semantic field PCelt. *mokku- ’swine’ ~ PFennic *emakko, *emokke ’sow’ PCelt. *sukko- ’sow’ ~ PFennic *tsuka ’swine’ (--> Latv. cūka) PCelt. *turko- ’wild boar’ ~ PFennic *torakko, *torikko ’tusk of wild boar’ But W cranan, OIr craín ~ Lith. šer̃nas ’wild boar’~ OLFr. chranni-chaltia ’pig’s den’ ≠ Fi. karjas ’wild boar’ <-- PGmc. *garjaz < IE *ǵhór-io-s (Gk. χοίρος, Alb. derr)

  12. Motivation for borrowing? Unexpected direction, since boars play a significant role in Celtic and Germanic (and Greek) mythology, and wild boars are generally ’Southern’ animals in Europe However, these are terms from before the emergence of specifically ”European” IE (not common IE) religions and cultures Terms and significance may both emanate from a common non-IE source Tacitus on the Aestii, a NE European tribe: “They worship the mother of the gods: as an emblem of that superstition they wear the figures of wild boars: this boar takes the place of arms or of any human protection, and guarantees to the votary of the goddess a mind at rest even in the midst of foes”

  13. Wild boar range

  14. Pitted Ware domesticated pigs Pitted Ware culture (3200-2300 BC), S Scandinavian coasts from Svealand/Åland to Funen. Pitted Ware sites contain pig bones in large quantities emanating from domesticated pigs rather than wild boar. Lived side by side with battle-axe peoples. Not direct ancestors of N Scandinavians, but more closely related to peoples of the contemporary Baltic region. Rowley-Conwy, Peter, and Jan Storå 1997. “Pitted Ware seals and pigs from Ajvide, Gotland: Methods of study and first results”. G. Burenhult (ed.), Remote Sensing, vol. 1. Teses and Papers in North-European Archaeology 13:a:113. 125. Stockholm: Stockholm University. Malmström & al., 2009: “Ancient DNA reveals Lack of Continuity between Neolithic Hunter-gatherers and contemporary Scandinavians”. Current Biology 19,1-5. doi:10.1016/j.cub.2009.09.017

  15. Pitted ware = Uralic? 3200-2300 BC fits with the traditional dating of Fenno-Permian --> Fenno-Volgaic. Partly continues the the pit-comb ware culture, connected with FU peoples Hybrid pottery: Blending of styles and techniques between pitted ware and battle-axe especially in the period 2700-2200 BC. Åsa M. Larsson: Uniting Strategies. Material Culture in Eastern Middle Sweden at the End of the Middle Neolithic. In: Uniting Sea. Stone Age Societies in the Baltic Sea Region. Uppsala 2003: Institutionen för Arkeologi och Historia. 132-149.

  16. Badgers as pigs • Latv. mežacūka ‘wild boar’ ~ Fi. metsäsika ‘badger’ • Nw. svin-toks ‘badger’ (2nd part is *þahsu- ‘badger’) • Eng. sow, Da. so ‘female of pig, female of badger’, Eng. boar ‘male of pig; male of badger’, Da. gris ‘piglet; young of badger, cub’ • Hence PCelt. *brokko- ‘badger’(--> OE brocc --> Da. brok) from a word for ‘pig’ would be a possibility. Cf. also ON Brokkr, name of the dwarf who creates the mythological boar Gullinbursti • Cf. Ru. barsuk ’badger’ < Turkic *borsuk (*borsuq) ’badger’, derived internally from *bor, *boz ’grey’ ~ Mong. borok • Hung. borz ’badger’ < ? R-Turkic, cf. Chuvash porъš

  17. Badger

  18. Variation in IE terms for ’pig’ • *pork̂o- • *porĝo- (> PGmc. *farkīna- ‘pig’, CSl. *porzъ ‘boar; ram; bull’) • *bhor(u)ko- (> PGmc. *baruga- ~ *baruha- ‘barrow’) • *baruga- perhaps non-existent, cf. C.J.E. Ball and Patrick V. Stiles, 1983: “The derivation of Old English geolu “yellow”, and the relative chronology of smoothing and back-mutation”. Anglia 101: 5-28. • On -u- as secondary, cf. Martin Kümmel, 2004: ”Ungeklärtes *-u- neben Liquida in Germanischen Nomina”. A.Hyllested, A.R. Jørgensen, J.H.Larsson & Th. Olander: Per Aspera ad Asteriscos [Fs. Rasmussen]. Innsbruck: IBS. 291-303.

  19. The Indo-Europeanness of *porḱo- Hamp noted that even the word universally reconstructed as PIE *porḱo- (young) pig’ is specifically ‘Northern’, outside Europe only found in (geographically) N Iranian fringes. An Indo-Iranian preform is admittedly widely assumed as the basis for Fenno-Permian *porśas ‘pig’, but as some scholars (e.g. Napolskich, Wladimir, 2002. ”Zu den ältesten Beziehungen zwischen Finno-Ugriern und zentraleuropäischen Indogermanen”. R. Blokland & C. Hasselblatt (eds.). Finno-ugrians and Indo-Europeans. Linguistic and literary contacts. Maastricht: Shaker. 265-271) have pointed out, the W forms mayjust as well have come from Balto-Slavic, and the E forms either suspiciously lack the IIr. ending or are aberrant in other ways.

  20. Scenario Scenario: Turkic *borsúq --> * Gmc. *barzúχa- > *bárruχa--- > PCelt. brokko- ?with same stress -bVr-úk- as in *mokku- < *e-mók- R-Turkic *porъš --> Iranian/Fenno-Permic *porśas -- ><-- Baltic *paršas Motivation: Badger is a common dish among Turkic peoples

  21. Conclusions and etymologies Celtic swine-terms are mainly of Pre-Proto-Fennic provenance. Borrowings from Pitted Ware -- > neighbouring IE cultures. Variation in the pork-word may be due to Turkic origins. Other prominent Northern European hyonyms are derived from IE bases. PCelt. *mokku- ’swine’ <--PFennic *emakko, *emokke ’sow’ PCelt. *sukko- ’sow’ <-- PFennic *tsuka ’swine’ Latv. cūka ‘pig’ <-- PFennic *tsuka ‘swine’ PCelt. *turko- ’wild boar’ <-- PFennic *torakko, *torikko ’tusk of wild boar’ PCelt. *brokko- ’badger’ ~ PGmc. *baruha-, *baruha- ’barrow’ <-- Turk. *borsuq ’badger’ (cf. Ru. barsuk, Hung. borz) W cranan, OIr craín ~ Lith. šer̃nas ’wild boar’~ OLFr. chranni-chaltia ’pig’s den’ Fi. karjas ’wild boar’ <-- PGmc. *garjaz < IE *ǵhór-io-s (Gk. χοίρος, Alb. derr)

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