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Supplement Slides. Wilbur EALing 2012. Brentari Model. Reduplication Sept 15. Klima & Bellugi (1979) Approach. Templates contain information about shape, direction, speed, and possible endpoints of movement Each template involves some of the available features

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supplement slides

Supplement Slides

Wilbur

EALing

2012

klima bellugi 1979 approach
Klima & Bellugi (1979) Approach
  • Templates contain information about shape, direction, speed, and possible endpoints of movement
  • Each template involves some of the available features
  • For the most part, the choice of features and arrangement of each template is arbitrary
    • Take lexical item, apply an aspectual modification template, which can then be input into another aspectual modification template
wilbur klima bellugi 1983 observations
Wilbur, Klima, & Bellugi (1983) observations:
  • Claims 7 and 8: Template modifications divide into two categories: spatial and temporal
  • Spatialmodifications semantically affect predicate arguments
  • Temporalmodifications semantically affect the predicate itself
k b s view of these features
K&B’s view of these features:
  • They observe one correlation:

“end-marking” with change of state

my claims 9 12
My Claims 9-12
  • End-marking is not a feature of reduplicated forms
  • End-marking reflects the final state of an event
  • End-marking reflects lexical telicity (e.g. ARRIVE, SIT, FIND, DIE)
  • End-marking may be provided by the Resultative (changes atelic to telic).
resultative as transition creating morphological function
Resultative as Transition-Creating Morphological Function
  • Transitions
    • To become sick

(Resultative)

T

E1¬E2

S S

en

ei

end-marking

-sick

sick

change in speed

achievement of final state
Achievement of final state
  • The resultative modification is a morphological function that focuses on the attainment of a final state (s) at the end of some amount of time (t), shown by “not short” movement.
  • The end-marking (hold, contact) occurs when the change reaches the final state [sick] from [¬sick].
  • The speed changes from slow to fast. This change reflects “change of state”.
summary events and movements
Summary: Events and Movements
  • Repetition is different from reduplication
  • End-marking reflects final state of telic event
  • Resultative creates telic events from atelic events by putting them in opposition (E1, ¬E2)
  • Change of speed in Resultative marks change of state
  • Neither end-marking nor Resultative formation involve reduplication
asl argument structure
ASL Argument structure
  • Verb agreement
    • None (“plain verbs”)
    • Object agreement
    • Subject-object agreement
    • *Subject-only agreement
  • Generally conveyed by spatial location(s)
exhaustive multiple object
Exhaustive multiple object

Process/activity

Individuals (x)

more claims 16 19
More Claims 16-19
  • Distributive quantification over arguments
    • EACHx
    • Number in set X more than 2; otherwise Dual
  • xi,…xn are represented by points in spacei…n
  • Each act of giving stops at each recipient x
  • Result: repeated stops at multiple points in sequence
individual variable x viewed from set theory or reasonable facsimile
Individual variable (x) viewed from set theory (or reasonable facsimile)
  • Argument number
    • Number of set members = 1, 2, or more (plural)
  • Argument organization
    • Unordered set / Ordered set
    • 2-d (time line) / 3-d (volume, over time)
  • Argument quantification
    • Collective / Individuated
    • Indefinite / Definite/Specific
predictions
Predictions
  • Linear sequence (ordered)
    • Individuated x (‘each’)
    • Seriated event sequences (ei,ej…en)
    • Exhaustive/distributive
  • Randomized (Unordered)
    • Spatial array (e over t), volume
    • Individuated, indefinite
    • Allocative
definite specific vs indefinite
Definite/Specific vs. indefinite

Allocative = acts (e) of giving over time (t)

Individuated (x, e, t), not linearly ordered, specific (x)

Individuated (e, t), not linearly ordered, indefinite

summary re arguments
Summary re: Arguments
  • Distributive Quantification
    • Quantifier EACH over individual variables x in a set
    • Stopping movement at point indicates variable x
    • The cardinality must be more than 2, otherwise Dual
      • Minimum of 3 semantically necessary, number above 3 irrelevant
      • Hence number of repetitions above 2 is indeterminate
      • Hence, possibility of uncountable ‘trill’ movement
time between events
Time between events
  • Essentially no time between discrete events = “incessant” – can’t tell where one event ends and next begins
  • May be reasonable time between events = clear return from final position of last event to initial position of next event, “habitual”
  • Extended times between events = semi-circular path between end of one event and start of another, “iterative”
slide23

Incessant – no time between events; no clear start and end time of event

Habitual – clear start and end time of event; time between events not relevant

Iterative - clear start and end time of event; significant time between events

time between events1
Time between events

An act of ‘looking at’ in progress = Process

Long(er) acts of “looking at” with time passing in between – ‘was looking at and looking at and …’

quality
“Quality”

Durational “does not convey temporal extent,” merely ongoing process; Continuative means “for a long time,” which is a frame adverbial that indicates temporal extent of the event. Temporal extent is conveyed by elongation of the movement.

manner
“Manner”

A long event with no clear

start or end

Start of event

Time between events End of event

event time
Event time
  • Event time may be shown by:
    • A movement from one position to another (transitions)
      • The positions need not be meaningful morphemes themselves.
      • Semantically, the positions indicate start and end state
    • An ongoing movement (processes)
    • No movement (state)
      • Transitional movement to and from target position (e.g. SICK) but no lexically meaningful movement
and time between events
… and time between events
  • Significant time between events is shown by geometric circles, semicircles, ellipses; the return cycle
reduplication summary 1
Reduplication Summary 1
  • There are strong correlations between semantic variables/event structure and phonological forms in ASL predicate formation.
  • The previous templatic treatment of reduplication can be seen to mask the semantic compositionality of the phonological forms.
  • The pieces can be put together based on semantics, creating a form that can then be repeated by REDUP
relevant features
Relevant Features
  • [repeat]
  • [return]
  • Number of repetitions and argument number
  • The feature [2h]
  • [alternate]
  • [horizontal/vertical]
  • Return to [return]
  • The interface of aspectual reduplication and argument structure
  • “Embedding” of reduplication
use of face
Use of face
  • Multiple channels of information
  • Distinction between emotional/affective and grammatical usage
  • Face divided into upper and lower
    • Upper face  clausal
    • Lower face  phrasal
slide44

Squint for ‘small amount’; shoulder up/shorten neck for ‘small’

Reading sentence on card

FEW

STUDENTS

Is she disgusted?

Mouthing /stu/

Is she stressed?

Is she in pain?

READ

BOOKS

Is she sad?

neutral mouth – not hard or easy

Is she relieved?

What does her face say?

negation

NO GIRL BUY THAT DRESS

‘None of the girls bought that dress.’

DRESS LIKE-NOT WHY BUY

‘If you don’t like that dress, why buy it?’

Negation
complexity of the problem
Complexity of the problem

Regions that the face can be divided into

14 potentially separate articulators

Combinations of articulations and physical and linguistic constraints.

complexity of the problem2

Articulator

Vertical (x axis: Up/Down)

Horizontal (y axis: R/L)

In/Out (z axis)

Body (leans)

X

X (backward/forward)

Head

X

X

 ?

Eyebrows

X

Eyelids

X

Eyes (gaze)

X

X

Nose

X

Cheeks

X (puff/suck)

Lips: Upper

X

Lips: Lower

X

X

X (pout)

Lips: Both

X (open/close)

X (pursed)

Lip corners

X

X (stretch)

Tongue

X

X

X (forward)

Teeth

X

X

X (forward)

Chin

X (forward thrust)

Complexity of the problem
tools for analysis

Neutral face

Inner up

Outer up

ASL ‘br’

S0

AU1

AU2

AU 1+2

Tools for Analysis

Facial Action Coding System (FACS)

Paul Ekman, Ph.D., Wallace V. Friesen, Ph.D., Joseph C. Hager, Ph.D.

nonmanuals may be layered
Nonmanuals may be layered
    • Predicate aspectual inflection [I:continuous]
    • Predicate adverbial modification 'mm‘:
    • form: lips pressed together
    • meaning: ‘with pleasure or enjoyment’
    • Upper face (brows raised), head (head forward) and body (lean forward) marking for the question ('q')
  • On only two signs!

q

mm

(1) MAN FISH[I:continuous] (Liddell 1978)

'Is the man fishing with relaxation and enjoyment?'

nonmanuals differ in form and scope based on functions
Nonmanuals differ in form and scope based on functions.

Wilbur, R. B. (2011). Nonmanuals, semantic operators, domain marking, and the solution to two outstanding puzzles in ASL. Sign Language & Linguistics 14: 148-178.

Blinks that occur on signs tend to be slower, deeper, and more deliberate than those that mark phrase boundaries (Wilbur 1994).

Brow raises spread over a different domain (semantic restriction of [-wh]-operators) than others (e.g. negative headshakes and brow lowering, which spread over c-command domain).

a short example
A short example

t

I-SHOW-YOU SENTENCE. PICNIC(fs),

condhn++

IF RAIN, CANCEL.

‘I’ll show you a sentence. “As for the picnic, if it rains, it will be cancelled.”’

operator analysis of nmms
Operator Analysis of NMMs

Wilbur, R. B. (2011). Nonmanuals, semantic operators, domain marking, and the solution to two outstanding puzzles in ASL. Sign Language & Linguistics 14: 148-178.

wilbur s nmm operator hypothesis
Wilbur’s NMM Operator Hypothesis:
  • For cross-linguistic investigation
  • For possible falsification
  • SLs use the same non-manual to mark each of the structures that ASL uses brow raise on, that is, all [-wh], but do not necessarily use brow raise as the marker (in fact it looks like they don’t).
implications
Implications
  • There is a cohesive group of [-wh] semantic concepts that SLs treat uniformly.
  • Or, there are sub-groups to this group, with some being grouped with one marker and one with another.
  • Or …..
  • Either way, the question is whether there is evidence for such grouping, and if so, what does that tell us about semantics? Spoken languages?
a short example1
A short example

t

I-SHOW-YOU SENTENCE. PICNIC(fs),

condhn++

IF RAIN, CANCEL.

‘I’ll show you a sentence. “As for the picnic, if it rains, it will be cancelled.”’

slide63

Precise Detailed Detection of Faces and Facial Features

Liya Ding and Aleix M. Martinez, ECE, The Ohio State University

CVPR08

stress and focus differences
Stress and focus differences
  • In English, stress/focus can be shifted to different locations in a sentence. Vallduvi called this ‘plasticity’ or [+plastic].
  • In ASL, with one exception, stress/focus is preferred in final position. ASL is [-plastic].
  • To get focus where you need it in ASL, you have to get other words out of way so target can be focused.
slide66

[NP THAT, blabla] in g is Cleft structure in ASL (Susan Fischer). Cleft is frequent exception across languages to fixed focus position. Nonetheless, the phrase NP THAT is where the main stress is in this structure.

Wilbur, R. B. (2012). Information structure. In Pfau, Roland, Markus Steinbach & Bencie Woll (eds.), Sign language. An international handbook (HSK - Handbooks of linguistics and communication science), 462-488. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

wrap up
Wrap Up
  • There is much, much more to each of these topics.
  • You should have enough background to read the papers on the class website, after which you should be able to read additional literature on your own.
  • Keep an open mind and do not assume that what you read is necessarily the last word, including everything I’ve said as well.