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Social capital and market failures. Patricia López Rodríguez & Rodolfo de la Torre García. Paris, July 7th, 2011. Introduction.
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Social capital and marketfailures Patricia López Rodríguez & Rodolfo de la Torre García Paris, July 7th, 2011
Introduction • Empirical studies on the effects of social capital show that in developing countries social capital is used primarily as a social security system for managing risks and to absorb the impact on consumption and income derived from economical crisis (Woolcock, 1999). • In Mexico people who don’t have access to formal markets use their networks to acquire public and financing services, social insurance and subsidies, among others (Londoño and Székely, 1997; Birdsall and Londoño, 1997b). • One of the characteristics of being poor is the lack of connections with the formal economy. The literature suggests that social capital in poor households is partly explained by the need of seeking institutional solutions in a context of absent or imperfect markets (Morduch, 1995; Townsend, 1995; Besley, 1995). • Social capital is used in imperfect markets because of incomplete information problems, contract breach and high transport and transaction costs.
Purpose of the paper This paper studies the relationship between the social capital supply and the variables thatreflectalternativestomarket failures. • Indicators used as market failures are: • Microfinance called “financial services” • Informal health services called “health services” • Informal alternative services of social security called “social security” • “Subsidies”
Relationshipbetween SC and marketfailure “financialservices” Reflects asymmetric information problems, contract breach, high transportation and transaction costs and inequality problems. This limits the access to the poor into the banking system because of the cost and risks involved in the allocation of formal credit to the population that has no collateral or guaratee. Poor people get loans from relatives and friends or savings in RoSCAs1. …People who participate in these schemes grant resources to those who maintain a link or affinity (Mansell, 1995; Stiglitz and Weiss, 1981; Morduch, 1995; van Bastelaer, 2000). “healthservices” Reflects problems of asymmetric information and monopolies in its distribution and supplies. When people don’t have access to clinics or hospitals use alternative medicine like homemade medicine, tonic remedies, healer or midwife. …The provision of them settles down links with the suppliers that generally are relatives or known people (Auerbach and Krimgold, 2001; Barr, 1998; Evans, et. al., 1994). 1Informal Rotating Savings and Credit Associations (RoSCAs)
Relationshipbetween SC and marketfailure “social security” Is related to problems of uncertainty and risk that stem from two sources: employment is a binary phenomenon and retirement is a discreet event, in countries like Mexico. When people don’t have social benefits at work like medical services, nursery school, mortgage and loans ask relatives and friends for their supply, people who use these kind of services grant resources to others like reciprocal consequence of others aid (Barr, 1998). “Subsidies” Markets provide goods and services for people which are prepared to pay a price that covers their production costs. This isn’t always the case since markets may fail to offer certain goods and services. Subsidies occurs when markets conditions to achieve efficiency sacrifice equity conditions. People who receive subsidies perceive the benefits of having the aid of public institutions and extend the trust levels granting transferences towards others (Barr, 1998).
Definition of Social Capital the relationship of “sympathy that a person has towards another that causes that one offers social capital. This person generates benefits advantages and preferential treatment to others.” (Robison and Siles, 1997) • It takes into account the positive aspect of the concept (Portes 1998). • It considers interdependence among individuals…one incorporates the well-being of others in his own welfare (Hochman and Rodgers, 1969). • It distinguishes what social capital is (sympathy) from what it makes (generates benefits, advantages or preferential treatment) and where it resides (on the social relationship in which sympathy is expressed) (Robinson, Schmid and Siles, 2002).
Social capital indicator Robison and Siles (1997), Andreoni (1989,1990), Echeverría y Díaz (2002), Altonji, Hayashi y Kotlikoff (1996), Konow (2004).
Social capital indicators Bonding (contributions to the welfare of near people) Bridging (opportunities and economic benefits for groups and communities as a whole) Narayan (1999). Type of Social capital (Putnam, 2000, Woolcock, 2002). Bonding Bridging 1 Bridging 2 Bridging 3 Dimension of social capital by the way it is obtained Networks Participation in organizations Collective action Collective action Indicator description Aid to relatives and persons not member of the household (help to relatives and friends). Contributions to charities, churches, Red cross and voluntary organizations (grant contributions to beneficial institutions). Contribution for local religious festivities (communal contributions). Contributions for local public works (contributions for local public services).
Proxies of Marketfailures Variable Alternative Financial services Alternative Health services Lack of social security Receive Subsidies Description People making use of informal credit services like deposits and savings in ROSCAS, saving in local informal systems, and make loans to individuals inside and outside the household. People using alternative care services and health care as medical herbs, remedies, syrups, tonics and potions, healer, midwife.People who don’t have social benefits from Mexican official institutions, private or governmental sector in the kind of food aid or pantry, childcare, training (courses, scholarships, etc.), housing loans, cash loans, transport, discount or exemption in the payment of services (electricity, telephone, etc.). If at least one household member receive subsidies from governmental Mexican programs named Procampo and Opportunities.
Data and methodology • Data: Income and Expenditure Household Mexican Surveys (ENIGH) from INEGI for years 1992, 1994, 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002 and 2004. • were are considering household heads because it’s assumed that home transfers decisions are influenced by the head of household. • Estimations with Tobit models were made since information was presented in censurated form. • Synthetic panels for seven years with population cohorts (1992, 1994, 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002 and 2004). The cohorts were built considering: sex, birthday year and schooling (199 cohorts). • Semieslaticities were used because of seasonal changes of income. • Control variables were used such as age, education, economic dependence, sex, zone, employment type, extended household, marital status and services at home (telephone), migration conditions.
Results Social capital was related in most of the models with market failures variables.
Sumary of results Communal contributions Bridging 2 Grant contributions to beneficial institutions Bridging 1 Contributions for local public services Bridging 3 Variable Help relatives and friends Bonding Alternative health services Alternativefinancial services Receive subsidies Lack of social security
Other results • Social capital is higher between very young people when compared to older people, after 40’s people has more social capital. • People with higher education, women, and people from rural areas invest more in social capital • People who live in households with more economic dependents and who live in extended households invest more in social capital.
Final remarks • In the presence of market failures people invest in social capital. These market failures are associated with people using alternative health services, alternative social security, participating in schemes of microfinance and receiving subsidies. • If people don’t have access to formal services they invest more in their networks through transfers, to provide themselves services like loans, health care, childcare, employment, scholarship. It might be thought that social capital is a useful mechanism to get people involved in social programs. • This could help to identify groups with more or less social capital. This social capital could be used to strengthen social participation in social programs. An alternative would be to generate connections between the formal participation of a small group of members of public programs and the people who constitute the informal networks that arise every day in search of these services.
