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Semanttiset roolit ja tunnusmerkkisyys

Semanttiset roolit ja tunnusmerkkisyys. II Virolais-suomalaisen kognitiivisen kielitieteen konferenssi Seppo Kittilä (HY). Introduction.

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Semanttiset roolit ja tunnusmerkkisyys

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  1. Semanttiset roolit ja tunnusmerkkisyys II Virolais-suomalaisen kognitiivisen kielitieteen konferenssi Seppo Kittilä (HY)

  2. Introduction • As is generallyknown, semanticrolescanbedefined in a variety of ways, and also the number of rolesproposedvariesdrastically; the numbervariesfrom 2 up to 20. • Featuresrelevant in thisregardincludeagency, the degree (and nature) of affectedness, control and salience (is itpossible for others to observe the event in questionornot).

  3. Markedness • Alsomarkednesscanbe (and hasbeen) defined in manyways, e.g. (Haspelmath 2006) • Markedness as conceptualdifficulty • Markedness as restricteddistribution • Markedness as phonologicaldifficulty • Markedness as overtcoding

  4. Markedness • In this presentation, markedness is defined primarily on the basis of form (number 4 on the previous slide): marked cases bear more elaborate coding than unmarked (or less marked) cases (but this has a semantic basis, as will be shown). It is also possible that (un)markedness has consequences for the reading of clauses or marked cases may be ungrammatical.

  5. Markedness • The goal of thispresentation is to show thatformalmarkednesscorrelateswithsemanticmarkedness, i.e. formallymoreelaboratelymarkedconstructionsarealsosemanticallymoremarked (lessexpected). Thishasbeenshown for directobjectmarkingmanytimes, but the goal of thispresentation is to examine the feature from a broaderperspective. • The feature studied is animacy and animacyeffects on argumentmarking.

  6. The examined roles Agent [+ANIM] Patient [-ANIM] Recipient/Beneficiary [+ANIM] Instrument [-ANIM] Location [-ANIM] Causee [+ANIM]

  7. How to define the expectedanimacy of a participant? • Is itnecessary for a participant to beactivelyinvolved in the denotedevent? -> The role is typicallyanimate • Is the role a typicallandmark and is itpossible to describeotherparticipants in relation to thislandmark? -> The participant is typicallyinanimate • Is itnecessary to manipulate the participantsomehow? -> The role is typicallyinanimate

  8. Activity continuum • Agent > Causee > Recipient > Beneficiary > Instrument > Patient > Location Patientcanbevolitional (e.g. if I asksomeone to scratch me) and it is an essential (obligatory) part of the eventit is involved, because of whichitprecedeslocation on the scaleabove. Location is always an optionalpart of the event and is bestseen as backgroundinformation.

  9. Marked roles Agent [-ANIM] Patient [+ANIM] Recipient/Beneficiary [-ANIM] Instrument [+ANIM] Location/goal [+ANIM] Causee [-ANIM]

  10. Agent • Differential Subject Marking: The coding of Agent varies (primarily) according to the animacy of agent, but also volitionality plays an important role here (see Kittilä 2005/2009). In some languages (e.g. Meithei and Gurindji Kriol) definiteness can also influence Agent marking.

  11. Example • Finnish Mies/kuume tappoi kissan -> kissa kuoli kuumeeseen -> *kissa kuoli mieheen Onlyinanimatecausersallownon-typicalAgentcoding (eventhoughtheycanalsobecoded in the typicalway).

  12. Patient (DOM) Amhara (Gasser 1983: 110) (1a) girmabetgäzza-ø PN house buy.PAST-3SG.I ‘Girma bought a house’ (1b) girmabet-u-ngäzza-ø(-w) PN house-DEF-ACC buy.PAST-3SG.I(- 3SG.II) ‘Girma bought the house’

  13. Patient Badaga(Lazard 1998: 189) (2a) amaondumanusa-nanooDida he a man-acc see.past.3sg ‘He saw a man.’ (2b) amaondukaTTEbaNDi(-ya) nooDida he a wood vehicle(-acc) see.past.3 ‘He saw a waggon’

  14. Patient Icelandic (Barðdal 2001: 146) (3a) hann klóraði mig He.NOM scratched me.ACC ‘He scratched me’ (3b) hann klóraði mér He.NOM scratched me.DAT ‘He scratched me’ (Volitional patient)

  15. Recipient Korku (4a) raja ra:ma-kesita-keji-khe-nec king.nom Ram-objSita-objgive-past-pers ‘The king gave Sita to Ram.’ (4b)iñjini-koro-ken myakama:y-Ten I this-man-obj one work-abl Di-ga:w-en kul-khe-nej that-village-dat/loc send-past-pers ‘I sent that man to work in that village’

  16. Beneficiary • Beneficiary is typically an animaterole, sincegenuinebenefactionrequiresthat the beneficiarycanmakeuse of the event (oritsoutcome) somehow. This is possibleonly for animateentities. • Itshouldalsobenotedthatbeneficiariescanalwaysbeseen as indirectcauses of events, which is directlymanifested in the polysemy of beneficiarymarkers.

  17. Beneficiary Kuku Yalanji (Patz 2002: 132f) (5a) NyuluCooktowndunga-y 3sg.nom C. go-npst yaba-nka elder.brother-dat ‘He goes to Cooktown for his elder brother.’ (5b) Nyuludingkarngamu-nkubadi-ny 3sg.nom man.abs mother-dat cry-pst ‘The man cried because of his mother (she had died).’

  18. Animate location Armenian (Aristar 1997: 339f, citedfromMinassian 1980) (6a) AprumemYerevan(-um) livingI-amYerevan(-LOC) ’I am living in Yerevan’ (6b) gəndaseγ-ə tuph-um e pin-DEFbox-LOC is ’The pin is in the box’ (6c) Aysavazak-imejkhanilav thisbrigand-GEN in somegood hatkuthyunnerkan qualitiesthere.are ’Therearesomegoodqualities in thisbrigand’ Suomi: kirja on pöydällä, kirja on lapsen päällä

  19. Animate Goal Lule Sami (7a) de ájgásbåhtalin Judea vieljajda then decide.pst.3pl Judea.gen brother.pl.ill doarjjagavrádjat support.acc send.inf ‘Then they decided to send a contribution to the brothers living in Judea’  (7b) GudátmánoJubmelrájaj six.ord month.gen God send.pst.3sg ieŋŋgilGabrielavnuorraniejdalusi angel Gabriel.acc young girl.gen to ‘Now in the sixth month of her pregnancy God sent Angel Gabriel to a virgin’

  20. Animate instrument (=agent) Dyirbal (Dixon 1972: 93) (8) bayi daban bangul yara-ngu CL eel CL.ERG man-ERG bangul dirga-ngu durganu CL.INSTR stick-INSTR spear ‘The man is speering eels with multi-prong spear’

  21. Causee Korea (9a) ku-ka kunamcha-eketalli-ke 3SG-NOM DET man-DAT run-CAUS ha-yess-ta do-PAST-DECL ‘He let the man run’ (9b) *ku-ka kutol-ekettele 3SG-NOM DET stone-DAT drop.PASS.CAUS ha-yess-ta do-PAST-DECL (He made the stone fall/he let the stone fall)

  22. Causee • Many languages disallow inanimate causees, since causee is made to act, which actually increases the animacy requirement (causees cannot be seen as indirect causes of events in the same way as, for example, Forces can).

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