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為信仰而戰 ? 從 三十年戰爭 (1618-1648) 的定位 談起. 2014.2.27. 三十年戰爭. 三十年戰爭是一場歐洲的戰爭 (a European war) ,主要在日耳曼戰場 (German battlefields) 進行。 傳統的歷史書將此戰爭分成 4 個 「次戰爭 」( sub-wars) ,主要依據與 Habsburg Empire ( 以及與其聯盟之 Spanish Habsburgs) 作戰的敵手命名。 . (1) The Bohemian-Palatinate War (1618-23).

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1618 1648

為信仰而戰? 從三十年戰爭(1618-1648)的定位談起

2014.2.27

slide2
三十年戰爭
  • 三十年戰爭是一場歐洲的戰爭(a European war),主要在日耳曼戰場(German battlefields)進行。
  • 傳統的歷史書將此戰爭分成 4 個「次戰爭」(sub-wars),主要依據與 Habsburg Empire (以及與其聯盟之 Spanish Habsburgs)作戰的敵手命名。
1 the bohemian palatinate war 1618 23
(1) The Bohemian-Palatinate War (1618-23)
  • 主要包含 the Bohemian estates(波西米亞貴族) 起來反抗他們的奧地利統治者, 也是未來的神聖羅馬帝國皇帝 Ferdinand II。
  • 它從theDefenestration of Prague (布拉格扔出窗外事件, 第二次)。
  • The Bohemian-Palatinate 聯軍由新選出來的波西米亞國王Frederick, the elector of the Palatinate帶領,在白山之役 (battle of White Moun­tain, 1620)被擊敗。
  • 最後,由Duke Maximilian I 所率領的西班牙與天主教聯盟(the Catholic League) 軍隊攻佔 Heidelberg (海德堡) and the Palatinate。Duke Maximilian 因此被晉升為選侯(elector of Bavaria)。
2 the danish dutch or the lower saxon war 1625 9
(2) The Danish–Dutch (or the Lower Saxon) War (1625–9)
  • 荷蘭(the Dutch) 重啟對西班牙的獨立戰爭 (1566; 1568-1648),與法國、英國同盟。在信仰路德教派(Lutheran) 的Danish king, Christian IV 的支援下,在北日耳曼(northern Germany)開闢第二戰線。
  • Christian IV, 身為 duke of Holstein (Holy Roman Empire 最北的一邦(state) 以及Lower Saxony 的地區軍事領袖,介入戰事以支持新教侯主 (Protestant princes),但被皇帝的新將領Albrecht von Wallenstein打敗,簽定the Peace of Lübeck (1629),退出戰爭。
3 the swedish war 1630 5
(3) The Swedish War (1630-5)
  • 神聖羅馬帝國皇帝在波羅的海 (the Baltic Sea) 的勢力擴張,以及Edict of Restitution (歸還詔令1629,恢復至1555 年 Peace of Augsburg 的情況)的頒布,觸發了the Swedish War (1630–5).
  • 瑞典國王 GustavusAdolphus帶領軍隊橫掃全日耳曼,贏得前所未有的勝利。
  • 在Breitenfeld (1631) 贏得勝利後,Adolphus在Lützen (1632)戰死。
  • 在 Nördlingen(1634) 的戰役中,瑞典失去了所有佔領的南日耳曼地區,日耳曼的侯主們聯合起來支持皇帝反攻,最後簽下the Peace of Prague (1635) 。
4 the swedish french war 1635 48
(4) The Swedish-French War (1635-48)
  • 法國在 Cardinal Richelieu(李希留) 的領導下, 公開地加入戰局,打敗哈布斯堡與帝國聯軍,此為 Swedish–French War (1635–48).
  • 西班牙與帝國聯軍在Wittstock (1636) 一役中試著將瑞典軍逐出北日耳曼。此役失敗,戰爭進入聯軍與瑞典-法國軍對抗的局面,直到三十年戰爭結束。
slide7
我們該如何理解這場戰爭?
  • 前面的說明傳遞的訊息非常有限。
  • 「次戰爭」的數目並非定數,在歷史研究中,有不同的版本流傳。
  • 雖然上面的說明提供了依時序發展的梗概 (chronological overview) (依時序的梗概),它無法解釋戰爭的規模。
  • 戰爭的原因 (causes)也比上述梗概要來的更深遠,所以如果要理解三十年戰爭,我們必需從歐洲史的整體脈絡 (overall context) 以及這個時代的衝突入手。
a war of religion
傳統對於三十年戰爭的解釋─ 宗教戰爭 (a war of religion)
  • 相關的辯稱有兩個層面。第一個層面是傳統的解釋:宗教戰爭。
  • 我們必須從早期現代(early modern)「信仰組織化」(confessional formation/ confessionalization) 所帶來的「結構性的不寬容」(structural intolerance )來理解。
  • 此即,主要宗教團體的組織化/制度化 (institutionalization) (組織化/制度化),這是與「信仰標準化」(standardizing religion ) 同時進行的變化。
slide9

不管是路德派、天主教會、或者改革教會(the Reformed) 都認為自己是邁向基督教真理「唯一正確道路」(the only correct path)。

  • 這不是不同宗教間 (of different religions) 的衝突,而是對同一信仰「誰的詮釋正確」 (the correct inter­pretation of one religion) 的爭鬥。
  • 每一方都認為自己是基督教信仰唯一的繼承者(the sole heir),否定其它宗教團體存在的權利(right to exist)。
  • 這種「互相排除的主張」(mutually exclusive claims)導引出暴力的使用,最終成為一系列的戰爭。
peace of augsburg 1555
從Peace of Augsburg (1555) 到三十年戰爭
  • Religious Peace of Augsburg 將兩個信仰團體(天主教與路德派)納入帝國的憲法中。這個和平協定為接下來的兩個世代避開了橫掃西歐其它地區的宗教戰爭。
  • 什麼原因造成這個信仰妥協方案的崩解?
  • 原因之一是來自喀爾文教派與天主教派中激進勢力的刺激。他們對於這個「雙信仰系統」(biconfessional system)提出質疑。
slide11

原本以尼德蘭為中心的「喀爾文國際主義」(Calvinist internationalization)逐漸擴展為「新教國際主義」(Protestant internationalism)。他們以Elector Frederick of the Palatinate (喀爾文教派) 為全權代表,帶領 1608年成立的「新教聯盟」(the Protestant Union), 其成員包括了路德派與改革教會的貴族。

  • 當信奉喀爾文教派的波西米亞在1619年推舉Frederick 擔任他們的國王,他們將原本只是邊緣 (marginal,指波西米亞) 的衝突,擴大成為兩方在整個歐洲 (European-wide) 的信仰與政治衝突。他們也藉此呼籲「反天主教」(anti-Catholic) 力量團結合作。
slide12
日耳曼內部的媒體戰
  • 「媒體」(media) 也是內部衝突激化的原因。
  • 與其它的戰爭不同,三十年戰爭也是一場「傳單」(leaflets) 的戰爭。宗教改革早期開始出現的單頁傳單 (the single-page prints)夾帶了圖像與文字,在數量上達到了高峰。
  • 扮演視覺媒介的傳單將戰爭的主角與場景呈現給充滿好奇的大眾(a curious public)。它們或讚美,或嘲諷,闡釋它們的信仰意涵 (confessional meanings),將之比賦到最近的事件 (recent events) 上。
  • 對宗教戰爭的宣傳 (propaganda)無疑地激化且延長了戰爭。
jubilee and counter jubilee
Jubilee and Counter-Jubilee
  • 三十年戰爭爆發的時間點(timing)並不是偶然: 它發生在馬丁•路德發表「九十五條論綱」(95thesis)的1517年的百年慶後。1617年10月是第一次的盛大的「宗教改革週年紀念」(Reformation jubilee)。
  • 這次的週年慶延續多日,在日耳曼境內所有路德派以及大部份的改革教會地區舉行。慶典裡有許多的講道活動 (sermons) 並且出現大量的出版品(publications)。此舉吸引廣大的關注。
  • The elector of Saxony (路德的保護者) 帶頭慶祝這個紀念日,藉以強化路德派的認同,也用來標舉路德派信仰在其領地內的成功。
slide14

在天主教陣營的眼中,這場週年慶祝是嚴重的挑釁。在天主教陣營的眼中,這場週年慶祝是嚴重的挑釁。

  • 依據基督教的傳統,宣布「週年紀念」(jubilee) 的權利從1300年開始就專屬於教皇,而整個紀念最核心的特色就是頒行贖罪券(indulgences)。
  • 現在,新教徒宣告一個「『偽』週年紀念」(pseudo-jubilee),不是用來慶祝耶穌的誕生,而是慶祝路德對贖罪券的攻擊!
  • 教皇Gregory XV 馬上下令進行所謂的「反週年紀念」 (counter-jubilee),主要宗旨便在消滅異端(abolition of heresies)。這場週年紀念的競爭重新觸發了雙方的戰鬥性格。
  • 也就是說,在1618年春天的Defenestra­tion of Prague 之前的幾個月,已經有過意識型態與信仰的動員)。
  • 在這最初的階段,三十年戰爭因此被認為是一場宗教戰爭。
jubilee 1630
Jubilee 與瑞典在1630年的動員
  • 同樣的事情又再發生在下一次重要的週年紀念:「奧格斯堡宣言」(the Augsburg Confession)的百年紀念
  • 所謂的「奧格斯堡宣言」 是新教徒的正式信仰宣言,也就是他們的共同信條。它是在1530年在 奧格斯堡舉行的帝國會議 (the imperial diet of Augsburg) 通過。
  • 1629年的「歸還詔令」(Edict of Restitution) 讓新教徒處在劣勢。而看起來,皇帝與天主教陣營已經贏得勝利。
  • 就在這個時候,瑞典國王GustavusAdolphus在波羅的海岸登陸,正好是宣言百年紀念的 1630年。
slide16

新教陣營的宣傳因此將 Adolphus 塑造成「救主」(savior) 。不過,他的介入讓日耳曼的這場戰爭多打了20年。

  • 新教選侯們 (the Protestant electors) 並未請求瑞典國王的協助,他們也不歡迎他的到來。但,在公眾的壓力(public pressure)下,他們被迫加入他的行列。
  • 可以說,環繞在這兩次百年紀念的信仰與媒體戰爭促成了1618年的動員,以及1630年的再動員,讓一場看似已經結束的宗教戰爭再次復燃。
slide17
是宗教戰爭嗎?
  • 「宗教戰爭」(guerradi religione)一詞出現在當時的教廷外交文獻上。然而,這樣的詮釋有它的侷限。
  • 從一開始,就存在著3 方而非2 方的信仰陣營,也因此,出現了各種的結盟可能。又或者更精確地說,是站在相對溫和、光譜中間位置,忠於帝國 (loyal to the empire)的路德教派,在極端的喀爾文教派與天主教陣營間做選擇。
  • 所謂的「新教聯盟」(旨在保護新教的路德派與改革教會的喀爾文派對抗天主教會的侵害),在戰爭一開始時就分道揚鏢。
  • 為了避免局勢惡化成為宗教戰爭,路德派的 elector of Saxony一直沒有加入聯盟,並且公開宣稱,波西米亞的反抗是一個「純政治問題」。在此之後,他也一直採取所謂的「調和策略」(conciliatory policy),不斷地隨環境條件而調整立場。
slide18

因此,Saxony一開始是跟天主教的皇帝合作,然後是跟路德派的瑞典,接著再跟皇帝,而有的時候是,「跟誰都合作」,又或者「跟誰都不合作」。

  • 即使是「傳說中的」的救主 GustavusAdolphus,他也從未在戰爭宣言(war manifesto)中提到宗教,不曾以此作為其介入戰爭的合法基礎。
  • 在天主教方面, 教皇與李希留(Richelieu) 有時像是在進行「另一種的宗教戰爭」,即,競爭天主教陣營的領導權。
  • 之後,在親法教皇Urban VIII的容忍下,法國甚至暗中,最後更是公開與新教徒合作。
  • 可以說,這場戰爭從來就不是兩個信仰陣營的對抗。
  • 當法國公開加入戰爭,與信仰「錯誤」的瑞士並肩作戰時,很明顯的,衝突的背後亦存在著清楚的政治動機。
  • 總括來說,戰爭是由軍事強權主導。他們雖然也有宗教動機,並且由此獲得其行動的正當性 (legitimacy),但逐漸地,當政治與宗教兩者有所衝突時,政治考量將高過宗教。
state building
一場「建國戰爭」(state-building)
  • 在政治的層面,三十年戰爭可被視為是一場「建國戰爭」(a war of state-building)。
  • 這場戰爭不是國家 (fully developed states) 間的衝突,而是不同政治陣營 (political allegiances)與理念 的衝突。
  • 形成一個國家所需要的進一步組織化(an additional degree of organization) 已經出現,但直到宗教改革時代,對於歐洲究竟該有幾個國家,其領域為何?這些問題還有待決定。
  • 因此,三十年戰爭可以被認為是一場關鍵的測試,用以決定大致的國家數目與幅員。
  • 當時同時存在著兩種國家的概念與形式,它們在戰爭的過程中亦彼此競爭。
a state for everyone
A State for Everyone?
  • 第一種形式是所謂的a state for everyone,也就是包含全歐洲(即,全歐洲成為一個國家)。
  • 歐洲的政治統一 (the political unity) 是奠基在基督教王國 (Christianitas)、帝國 (Empire)/君主國(Monarchy)等概念之上。它代表的是一種 普遍/全面主義傳統 (universalist tradition),它仍是當時政治的理想型態。
  • 依據長遠的「位階秩序」(hierar­chical order)傳統,歐洲被視為是一個金字塔(pyramid), 而在「政治金字塔」的頂端,只能有一位。 對比之下,一個多政權(多權威)的狀況,代表的是失序(anarchy)。
  • 身為皇帝頭銜(the imperial title) 的繼承人,並且統有半個歐洲,the Habsburgs 試著利用他們的優勢來建立一個單一的歐洲國家。
the habsburg envision
The Habsburg Envision(展望)
  • 這就是Charles V心中所想的普世君主(monarchiauniversalis/universal monarchy)。
  • 他的宣傳以身體 (body) 概念來繪製歐洲地圖,其分工如下:Spain是歐洲的頭,而位於波西米亞的帝國首府即為心臟。
  • 在三十年戰爭中,哈布斯堡家族的兩支 – 中歐的帝國系與西班牙-大西洋系– 透過Oñate Treaty (1617) 重新結盟,成為堅實的盟友。
  • 他們共同的普世主義信念讓他們在波西米亞、尼德蘭的分離問題,以及面對法國等競爭者時,合作無間。
  • 以哈布斯堡王朝位居歐洲的首要位置來思考,三十年戰爭確實是一個為顛覆此結構(概念)的戰爭。
pluralistic state system
Pluralistic State System
  • 在此同時,歐洲亦出現了多元/複數國家系統(a plu­ralistic state system) 的發展跡象。
  • 跟普世主義走的是相反的道路:複數國家系統是一種由下而上 (form the bottom up) 的國家形成方式,主要由貴族階級 (estates) 所支持。他們身為一個地區的勢力代表,經常會支持這樣的建國運動。
  • 舉例來說,波西米亞貴族長久以來便享有財政、軍事、以及教會事務上類/半國家狀態(quasi-state manner)的自主管理權。當他們將帝國的代表拋出 Prague Castle時,這個動作象徵了他們正式地建立自己的主權(sovereignty)。
  • 同樣的,荷蘭在經歷一連串脫離 Spanish Habsburgs 的努力後,建立一個以貴族為主體的獨立國家。
  • 在這兩個例子中, 貴族階級 (the estates)率先訴諸他們的反抗權(their right to object),然後成為統治權的持有者(bearer of sovereignty) ,建立一個「半君主制」 (semi-monarchic) 的國家。
  • 但,脫離哈布斯堡「普世王朝」必定要經過戰爭才可能達成。所以建國戰爭的目標就是爭取它的被承認 (recognition)。
competitors for universalism
Competitors for Universalism
  • The universalism of the Habsburgs was challenged not only by such secessionist activities (分離主義運動) but also by competing designs of universalism.
  • The classic historiographical tradition is inclined to present the rival powers France and Sweden as the defenders of the sovereign individual state (捍衛各別的主權國家).
  • The Thirty Years’ War, however, only makes sense upon realization that the invading powers originally had a much broader, universal objective.
  • The very continuity of French politics leaves no doubt that Richelieu had such universal intentions.
slide24

In the case of Sweden, this ideology of universal rule was even more pronounced. Neither a defensive national security policy, nor the Swedish interests in the Baltics alone can explain what GustavusAdolphuswas doing at the Rhine (萊茵河) and Danube (多瑙河).

  • His crusades, in the style of a new leader of the “barbarian conquests”, did fit well into the Swedish cult of the Goths (哥德人).
  • GustavusAdolphus not only assumed the title Rex Gothorum (哥德之王) but also called for (號召) a resumption (重啟) of the Gothic conquests (哥德征服) in his speeches; the concept of a Greater Gothic Empire (störgöticism, 大哥德帝國) virtually became national ideology.
  • Only this triple (三方) claim to universalism, a goal neither of the powers could attain, sufficiently explains the duration of the war.
how can a war fight for 30 years
How Can A War fight for 30 Years?
  • How can any single society fight a war for 30 years?
  • Economic objectives have turned out to be inadequate explanations for this war.
  • For instance, while the Spanish finance minister acknowledged that Spain stood on the brink of financial ruin (財政破產), he held that its political reputation (政治聲望) was at stake and that the war had to be continued.
economic resources
Economic Resources
  • It is valid to argue that Europe must have had abundant resources and great riches to be able to afford such a war without being destroyed by it.
  • In Denmark and Swedencrown property (王室財產) and port tariffs (港口關稅) were utilized to finance the war, and in regions with powerful or willing estates, like the Netherlands or Bavaria, taxes (稅捐) could yield considerable amounts of money.
  • An alternative route was foreign financing (外國的財源), either through “subsidies (財政援助),” which were transferred to the war regions from Rome and Spain or from the Netherlands and France, or through so-called “contributions (捐助/獻)” and other forms of coerced payments (強迫付款), which were collected by the army itself in the areas it occupied.
  • Another significant source of money was third-party fund (第三方資金/債), which made it possible to fight a war on credit (信用): colonels and generals, such as Albrecht of Wallenstein, paid their regiments advancesand took over the task of recruiting (召募) and financing (支付) mercenaries (傭兵). Soldiers would confiscated land and material if they were not paid later.
  • Additional forms of war financing included manipulation of coinage (操作貨幣).
new forms of military organization
New Forms of Military Organization
  • These economic meanswere an early indication of new forms of military organization (新的軍事組織方式) and were utilized to facilitate the deployment of ever-larger armies (越來越龐大的軍隊).
  • As late as the sixteenth century, 10,000 was still considered a respectable size for any army; during the Thirty Years’ War, however, each of the powers maintained armed forces of 100,000 or more.
  • The Swedes landed at the Baltic shore with a military formation of 15,000; by the end of the war, however, they had 140,000 soldiers in Germany, while Spain as the strongest mili­tary power had command over up to 300,000 mercenaries throughout Europe.
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Therefore, the Thirty Years’ War has been long regarded as a “military revolution” (軍事上的革命) between 1560 and 1660, not only in terms of numbers (人數) but also the development of the entire notion of war (對戰爭的觀念).

  • Of fundamental importance was the “Orange army reform” in the Netherlands (based on the Roman disciplinamilitaris (軍事訓練/紀律), which introduced drills (訓練/操練), military exercises (演習/操練), and a new language of orders (新的命令語言) to achieve the artificially coordinated identical movements (一致行動) of soldiers which added a whole new dimen­sion to the power of firearms (火器).
  • The mix of antique military practices (古代的軍事作法) and modern gunpowder (現代火藥) was adopted and refined by GustavusAdolphus, the most famous student of the Dutch military system.
  • This Swedish formation was soon imitated by other armies.
standing army
Standing Army
  • A true military innovation of this war was the “standing army” (常備軍).
  • There already existed a tradition of part-time militias (兼職民兵) and defense units (自衛隊) organized by the various estates which were developing into a standing military organization and were deployed, for example, by Württem­berg and Saxony during the Thirty Years’ War.
  • Above all, the war was fought by mercenaries of arbitrary national origin, who lived on wages and war spoils (戰利品) and increasingly profes­sionalized (專業化) soldiering.
  • The 30-year war improved the mercenary system, which increasingly became a source of regular employment (經常性地雇用). This was an important step toward the creation of a peacetime standing army.
effects of the war on the population
Effects of the War on the Population
  • What effects did a war, a total of 1 million people were under arms, have on the population at large?
  • The population loss (人口損失) was tremendous: the number of German citizens decreased from about 16 or 17 million to 10 or 11 million, thus being reduced by at least 1/3.
  • Although there were “safe areas” in the southeast and northwest, such as in Hamburg, there was also an “axis of destruction,” which lost more than half of their population.
  • There are extremely rich sources concerning the war: descriptions of violence (對暴力的描述), diary entries (日記), damage lists (損失表), and death registers (死亡登記).
  • It makes little differ­ence whether human beings were really eaten or whether such incidents were simply imagined – the reports express the same degree of hunger people at the time must have experienced; and if individuals were reported as beaten to death (活活打死), raped (強暴), or hanged (吊死), this was certainly not a fabrication.
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But the most significant causes for the demographic catastrophe (人口的巨大損失) were rather indirect, such as violence, hunger, and epidemics (傳染病).

  • It was the wartime violence that generated this catastrophe, for when already scarce resources were requisitioned for the war, a food crisis (糧食危機) broke out and made the weakened population susceptible to infections (感染).
  • Roaming armies (走動的軍隊) and the poor hygienic conditions (貧乏的衛生條件) of a general population hiding in close quar­ters behind safe city walls contributed to the spread of diseases.
  • Famines (饑荒) in turn inten­sified violence among civilian and military groups competing for the last food reserves.
  • Soldiers were also victims: only 1/10 Swedish soldiers returned to their homeland, and, on average, a soldier survived only 3 years of war. 3/4 died not in battle, but from exhaus­tion, hunger, or disease.
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宗教改革的研究面向

(1) 教義(神學)本身的討論 (confessional historiography)

(2) 傳布(dissemination and reception of the new faith)

(a) 地區: 地方之政經狀況與接受或抗拒

政治史(如從官方推動的角度)等)

(b) 媒介: 講道 (preaching)、出版(printing)、宣傳 (文化史)

(c) 後續影響:宗教與文化生活的改變,濟貧等社會問題。 (社會史、文化史)

(3) 牽動的社會等其他面向:如1525年的農民革命;政治間的矛盾(emperor vs. princes);宗教利益…

(4) 宗教戰爭

(5)天主教會的反應與海外傳教。