Univ.- Doz . Dr. Jérôme Segal, Institut für Soziologie, jerome-segal.de

1. „Das popkulturelle Format einer Wrestlingshow wird genützt und dekonstruiert, um darin andere Inhalte zur Darstellung zu bringen. Themen sind Gegenwart und Nostalgie, Virulenz und Redundanz feministischer Positionen. Wesentliche Elemente des Wrestlingshowzirkus (wie ausführliche Historien der einzelnen Protagonistinnen, Kampfansagen, Videobotschaften, Posterkampagnen, Sammelbilder) werden fröhlich annektiert und mit Theorie – Monströsitäten der letzten Jahrzehnte kurz geschlossen.Im Format eines Showkampfes können soziale Kämpfe künstlerisch in Form lustvoller Antagonismen kultiviert und inszeniert werden. Ähnlich dem selbstreflexiven Theater operiert das Wrestling-Format immer schon mit dem Bewusstsein aller Beteiligten über die Inszeniertheit der Show; daraus soll künstlerischer Mehrwert gezogen werden, um die erstarrten Fronten von Feminismus, Alltagskultur und Unterhaltung neu zu mischen. Keine Theorie ohne Praxis.“ Empört Euch! und die weltweite Protestbewegung - Eine soziologische Annäherung –VI - Die Rolle der Frauen und die Frage des Feminismus Univ.-Doz. Dr. Jérôme Segal, Institut für Soziologie, http://jerome-segal.de

2. I – Geschichtlich gesehen… II – Die Genderfrage in den Protestbewegungen III – „Bodies in Alliance and the Politics of the Street” (Judith Butler) IV – Sind Provokationen in der „Gesellschaft des Spektakels“ nötig?

3. I – Geschichtlich gesehen… Wahlrecht Abtreibungsrecht Präkarisierung (Teilzeit) Lohnunterschiede Machismus (DSK)

4. II – Die Genderfrage in den Protestbewegungen SchonexistierendeOrganisationen BeispielWomen in Black (seit 1988) Women in Black… is a world-wide network of women committed to peace with justice and actively opposed to injustice, war, militarism and other forms of violence. As women experiencing these things in different ways in different regions of the world, we support each other’s movements. An important focus is challenging the militarist policies of our own governments. We are not an organisation, but a means of communicating and a formula for action.

5. “Warning for Women of the Arab Spring “(March 14, 2012, The Wall Street Journal) I hope that in the countries where people have risen against dictatorships, they will reflect on and learn from what happened to us in Iran. Ms. Ebadi, one of Iran's leading lawyers and human rights activists, won the 2003 Nobel Peace Prize.  I do not agree with the phrase "Arab Spring." The overthrow of dictatorships is not sufficient in itself. Only when repressive governments are replaced by democracies can we consider the popular uprisings in the Middle East to be a meaningful "spring." Since women make up half of the region's population, any democratic developments must improve the social and legal status of women in the Arab world. It appears the Tunisian society has strong civil institutions, and there is much hope that democracy can take hold there. But in Egypt, many political actors are talking about returning to Islamic law, which could result in a regression of rights for women and girls similar to what we experienced in Iran in 1979.

6. In the "green movement" protests after June 2009's disputed presidential elections, the world witnessed how many Iranian women were on the streets, and how strong our feminist movement is. More than 65% of university students are women, many university professors are women, and women are present in all important and sensitive social positions.  My recommendation to Arab women is to focus on strengthening civil-society institutions and to familiarize themselves with religious discourse, so they can demonstrate that leaders who rely on religious dogma that sets women's rights back are doing so to consolidate power.

7. III – „Bodies in Alliance and the Politics of the Street” (Judith Butler) SieheArtikelonline.  what it means to move through public space in a way that contests the distinction between public and private those struggles to make the street safe for women, gender and sexual minorities, including trans people, whose public appearance is too often punishable by legal and illegal violence.  There are two aspects of the revolutionary demonstrations in Tahrir square that I would like to underscore. The first has to do with the way a certain sociability was established within the square, a division of labor that broke down gender difference, that involved rotating who would speak and who would clean the areas where people slept and ate, developing a work schedule for everyone to maintain the environment and to clean the toilets. (…) equal division of labour between the sexes, became part of the very resistance to Mubarek’s regime 

8. These actions were all political in the simple sense that they were breaking down a conventional distinction between public and private in order to establish relations of equality; in this sense, they were incorporating into the very social form of resistance the principles for which they were struggling on the street. what is astonishing about the alliances there is that several feminist organizations have worked with queer, gay/lesbian and transgendered people against police violence, but also against militarism, against nationalism, and against the forms of masculinism by which they are supported. And yet, if the streets are open to transgendered people, they are not open to those who wear signs of their religious belonging openly. Hence, we are left to fathom the many universalist French feminists who call upon the police to arrest, detain, fine, and sometimes deport women wearing the Niqab or the Burka in the public sphere in France.  Why would the same universalists (Elisabeth Badinter) openly affirm the rights of transgendered people to freely appear in public while restricting that very right to women who happen to wear religious clothing that offends the sensibilities of die-hard secularists? If the right to appear is to be honored “universally” it would not be able to survive such an obvious and insupportable contradiction. Can we distinguish those vocalizations from the body from those other expressions of material need and urgency? They were, after all, sleeping and eating in the public square, constructing toilets and various systems for sharing the space, and so not only refusing to be privatized – refusing to go or stay home – and not only claiming the public domain for themselves – acting in concert on conditions of equality – but also maintaining themselves as persisting bodies with needs, desires, and requirements.

9. IV – Sind Provokationen in der „Gesellschaft des Spektakels“ nötig? Femen, seit 2008 (in der Ukraine)

10. „Sascha, Inna und Oksana nennen sich topless activists. Das ist ihre Hauptbeschäftigung. Sascha und Inna haben studiert, Finanzwesen die eine, Journalismus die andere. Oksana ist Künstlerin. Sascha hat ihren Job aufgegeben, Inna hat ihn verloren wegen dem, was sie etwa einmal pro Woche tun: sich einen Blumenkranz ins Haar stecken und ihr Oberteil ausziehen. Wie Jessica aus Berlin bekommen sie dafür nichts – außer große Mengen der internationalen Währung Aufmerksamkeit.“ (Quelle: Die Zeit) Davos, Januar 2012 (hier) Ouganda , Mai 2012 (awful report / better report)

11. Slutwalk 2011 (die Erste in Toronto gegen“women should avoid dressing like sluts”)

12. unibrennt: Männerrauchen un trinkenimAudimaxwährendFrauen in der AG-Sauberkeittätigsind? BeispielVoKü AG…