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SAA(NZ) Conference : Hamilton New Zealand 2006

SAA(NZ) Conference : Hamilton New Zealand 2006. A Workshop to investigate how might we apply/combine a Bourdieu-ian theoretical framework to/with our own empirical research Facilitators: Michael Stevens & Stephen McTaggart : PhD Candidates, Dept of Sociology The University of Auckland.

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SAA(NZ) Conference : Hamilton New Zealand 2006

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  1. SAA(NZ) Conference : Hamilton New Zealand 2006 A Workshop to investigate how might we apply/combine a Bourdieu-ian theoretical framework to/with our own empirical research Facilitators: Michael Stevens & Stephen McTaggart : PhD Candidates, Dept of Sociology The University of Auckland ‘Theory without empirical research is empty. Empirical research without theory is blind (Bourdieu 1988)’.

  2. Suggested Bourdieu Workshop Structure • Introductions • Michael &Stephen outline their work in relation to Bourdieu’s theory/practice (5 minutes each) • Roundtable discussion of all attendees’ research/theory/practice issues • Discussion/canvas the operation and benefits of disciplinary or departmental reading/discussion groups for graduate and postgraduate students and If time allows discuss the development of an electronic discussion board to foster continuing collegiality amongst senior students. ‘Theory without empirical research is empty. Empirical research without theory is blind (Bourdieu 1988)’.

  3. Class structuration in New Zealand: Bourdieu, cultural capital and correspondence analysis Bourdieu workshop presentation: SAANZ Hamilton NZ 2006 Stephen McTaggart, PhD candidate . Dept Sociology, Research Fellow: Social Statistics Research Group University of Auckland

  4. Bourdieu: Transmission of Class inequalities • Reproduction, persistence and transmission of class inequalities/stratification from differences found and marked in social interaction of actors/groups of actors • Relationships and social actions reflect, differentiate and renew class positions • Bourdieu’s expansion on Marx’s Capital: Access to and utilisation of multiple capitals • Economic • Social • Cultural • Symbolic • Linguistic

  5. NZ Household census:20 year period (1981–2001) Data types: Marriage/cohabitation status • Employment/Occupation • Ethnicity • Immigration • (Education) Initial investigation: 1981–1991–2001 Censuses • Marriage/cohabitation • Employment/Occupation variables (Full- and part-time employment)

  6. NZSCO Occupational Categorisations • Examples of Occupational categories (Major aggregation) • Reflective of tasks expected, skills required and educational level expected • Ordinal listing as reflective of Social order/Class structure/Social capital • Based on ISCO schema

  7. Correspondence Table: 2001 Census Major level

  8. Correspondence analysis 1981–1991–2001 CensusesNon Controlled 1991 2001 1981 Major_1 Major_2

  9. Correspondence analysis 1981–1991–2001 CensusesControlling for ‘specialities’ 2001 1991 1981 Major_1 Major_2

  10. Conclusion • Examination of social stratification/Homogamy in NZ over 20 years (1981–2001) • Bourdieu’s habitus/field/multiple capital approach to social stratification • Looking at levels of social interaction between couples in the 1981, 1991 and 2001 Census data • Using correspondence analysis/NZ census data • Early Findings • 1981, 1991 and 2001 data indicate relative closeness between couples of similar occupations • Building the Camsis scale for NZ

  11. The Social and Cultural Context of Recent HIV Infection in Aotearoa/New Zealand Bourdieu workshop presentation: SAANZ Hamilton NZ 2006 Michael Stevens, PhD Candidate Dept Sociology University of Auckland

  12. The Problem • Recent epidemiological trends indicate spikes in new seroconversions after a period of levelling in the early 1990s, and new infections have been noted among those who were, at the time of their infections, well aware of HIV transmission risks. • This is a puzzling reality with which to grapple. One can certainly understand how a 20-year-old gay man became infected in 1981 when no one was aware that the virus even existed, but what is the explanation of the 20-year-old who seroconverts in 2001? • If we posit that the majority of new infections among gay men in our country are the result of unprotected sexual intercourse – condomless sex – then why does this phenomenon continue to exist if gay men are well aware that such behaviour places their health at risk? (Shernoff 2006)

  13. The Central Question • These trends seem true in NZ, Australia, the USA, the UK, Canada, Europe • Is this symptomatic of a larger cultural shift in our world and the understandings and social location of gay men and MSM? • If so, what are the policy and public health implications?

  14. Applying Bourdieu • Doxa • Field • Capital • Habitus

  15. Doxa • How does thinking in terms of doxa help explain social changes? • Older doxa one based in communal understandings of what being a gay man is • This doxa challenged and superseded by neo-liberal doxa

  16. Field and Capital • Doxa helps to shape how the field is and how the rules are deployed in the field • A shift in doxa changes the way the field is seen and moved on • A shift in doxa also changes how capital is viewed and used within the field

  17. Habitus • The shift to a neo-liberal doxa also has an effect on habitus • The development of a neo-liberal habitus affects MSM behaviour with regard to HIV in very important ways

  18. Theoretical Scheme HABITUS FIELD capital capital DOXA

  19. Conclusion • The supple yet strong combination of theory and practice he offers gives a strong sociological theoretical framework with which to examine this situation

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