S emantic roles and cross categorial case in uralic
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S emantic roles and cross- categorial case in Uralic. Anne Tamm anne.tamm AT unifi.it University of Florence Research Institute of Linguistics , Hungarian Academy of Sciences , Budapest. International Workshop on Semantic Roles Pavia, 19-20 May 2010 - Aula Scarpa.

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S emantic roles and cross- categorial case in Uralic

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S emantic roles and cross categorial case in uralic

Semanticroles and cross-categorialcase in Uralic

Anne Tamm

anne.tamm AT unifi.it

University of Florence

Research Institute of Linguistics ,HungarianAcademyofSciences, Budapest

International WorkshoponSemanticRoles

Pavia, 19-20 May 2010 - Aula Scarpa


Questions and puzzles

Questions and puzzles

  • Doverbsinstantiatesemanticroles?

  • What is therelationshipbetweensemanticroles and grammaticalcategoriessuchasaspect, evidentiality, ormodality?


Reasoning for yes

Reasoningfor YES

  • Semanticrole is a relationbetweenapredicate and an argument.

  • The relationship is encodedby a formwithsemantic and categoriallyspecifiedcontent.

  • The encodingmay be donebycase.

  • The categorythat ”has” casemay be a predicate.

  • ManyUraliccategoriesarebetweennouns and verbs.

  • Thesemostlyinfinitivalcaseformsarearguments of predicatesthatareitselfpredicates.

  • Soverbscaninstantiate a semanticrole, buthow?


Verb of motion goal

Verb of motion - Goal

Ma lähe-n Pavia-sse/Tallinna.

I[nom] go-1sg P-illative T.illative

‘I am going to Pavia/Tallinn.’


Verb of motion goal1

Verb of motion - Goal

Ma lähe-n uju-ma.

I[nom] go-1sg swim-m_illative

‘I am going swimming, I am going to swim.’

(# I’mgonnaswim.)


Copula location

Copula - Location

Ma olenPavia-s.

I[nom] be-1sg P-inessive

‘I am in Pavia.’


Copula location1

Copula - Location

Ma olenuju-mas.

I[nom] be-1s swim-m_inessive

‘I am off swimming.’

(# I am swimming – progressive)


Verb of motion source

Verb of motion - Source

Ma tule-n Pavia-st.

I[nom] come-1s P-elative

‘I am coming from Pavia.’


Verb of motion source1

Verb of motion - Source

Ma tule-n uju-mast.

I[nom] come-1s swim-m_elative

‘I am coming from swimming.’

(# Jeviens de nager – I havejustswum.)


One example about other relations

Oneexampleaboutother relations

Ma ole-n pileti-ta.

I[nom] be-1sticket-abessive

‘I don’thave a/theticket, I am without a/the ticket.’


Other relations abessive without

Other relations, abessive, ‘without’

Ma ole-n uju-mata.

I[nom] be-1s swim-m_abessive

‘I have not swum.’


The roadmap to the solution

The roadmaptothesolution

  • The Uraliclanguages

  • The role of case

  • Cross-categorialcase

  • Non-finitesasarguments and aspredicates

  • The transfer of themeaningofsemanticroles of non-finitesasarguments > TAM categories


R ich case systems poor case systems

Richcasesystems > poorcasesystems

  • Uraliclanguagesaretypicallycharacterizedbyrichcasesystemswithapproximately 10 members, and manyhavecasesystems of approximately 15 or 20 cases.

  • In WALS, thereare 24 languageswith more than 10 cases.

    • The followinglanguageshave more than 10 casesin WALS: Awa Pit, Basque, Brahui, Chukchi, EpenaPedee, Estonian, Evenki, Finnish, Gooniyandi, Hamtai, Hungarian, Hunzib, Ingush, Kayardild, Ket, Lak, Lezgian, Martuthunira, Mordvin (Erzya), Nez Perce, Nunggubuyu, Pitjantjatjara, Toda, Udmurt.

  • Fiveof thoselistedareUralic (Erzya Mordvin, Estonian, Finnish, Hungarian, and Udmurt).


C ase marked non finite verb forms

Case-marked non-finite verb forms

  • Languageswith many non-finite forms tend to have rich case systems.

  • The regularity can only partly be attributed to areal linguistic contacts, since it is observable, for instance, in the geographically distant Caucasian and Australian languages. There is no reason to assume a generalization with the strength of a language universal.

  • Non-finite forms frequently originate from case-marked non-finite verb forms, which are complements originally but develop further into base predicates of larger predicate complexes.

  • Thesecomplexes develop case-related semantics and modal meanings.


Uralic case is cross categorial

Uraliccase is cross-categorial

  • Attachestonouns, and inlanguageswithadjective-nounagreement, toadjectives

  • Attachestoverbs

  • Attachestoverbswith a nominalizingsuffix

  • Attachestoverbswith a nominalizingsuffix, forminginfinitives and in-betweenforms


Cross categorial case illustrations

Cross-categorialcaseillustrations

  • Verbstems (Udmurt V+abessive)

  • Nominalizations (Udmurt cases V+m+case, V+n+case)

  • Parts of non-finites (Finnic, thecaseformantsare part of a morpheme of a non-finiteverb)

  • Selkupinfinitive marker: V+translative


Attaches to nouns an example of the udmurt case system

Attachestonouns: an example of the Udmurt casesystem

1. Nominatives’ik

2. Genitives’ik-len

3. Accusatives’ik/s’ik-ez

4. Ablatives’ik-les’

5. Datives’ik-ly

6. Adessives’ik-len

7. Instrumentals’ik-en

8. Abessives’ik-tek

9. Inessives’ik-yn

10. Illatives’ik-e

11. Elatives’ik-ys’(t)

12. Terminatives’ik-oz’

13. Egressives’ik-ys’en

14. Prolatives’ik-eti

15. Approximatives’ik-lan’

Source: SvetlanaEdygarova, p.c.


Udmurt case on bare stems

Udmurt: caseonbarestems

1. Nominatives’ik

2. Genitives’ik-len

3. Accusatives’ik/s’ik-ez

4. Ablatives’ik-les’

5. Datives’ik-ly

6. Adessives’ik-len

7. Instrumentals’ik-en

8. Abessives’ik-tekmyny-tek

9. Inessives’ik-yn

10. Illatives’ik-e

11. Elatives’ik-ys’(t)

12. Terminatives’ik-oz’

13. Egressives’ik-ys’en

14. Prolatives’ik-eti

15. Approximatives’ik-lan’

Source: SvetlanaEdygarova, p.c.


Udmurt case on n nominalizations

Udmurt:caseonn-nominalizations

1. Nominatives’ikmyn-on(verb+n+case)

2. Genitives’ik-lenmyn-on-len(verb+n+len)

3. Accusatives’ik/s’ik-ez myn-on-ez

4. Ablatives’ik-les’ myn-on-les’

5. Datives’ik-ly myn-on-ly

6. Adessives’ik-len

7. Instrumentals’ik-enmyn-on-en

8. Abessives’ik-tek

9. Inessives’ik-ynmyn-on-yn

10. Illatives’ik-emyn-on-e

11. Elatives’ik-ys’(t)

12. Terminatives’ik-oz’myn-on-oz’

13. Egressives’ik-ys’en

14. Prolatives’ik-eti

15. Approximatives’ik-lan’

Source: SvetlanaEdygarova, p.c.


Udmurt case on m nominalizations

Udmurt: caseon-m-nominalizations

1. Nominatives’ikmyn-em(verb+m+case)

2. Genitives’ik-lenmyn-em-len (verb+m+len)

3. Accusatives’ik/s’ik-ez myn-em-ez

4. Ablatives’ik-les’ myn-em-les’

5. Datives’ik-ly myn-em-ly

6. Adessives’ik-len

7. Instrumentals’ik-enmyn-em-en

8. Abessives’ik-tek

9. Inessives’ik-ynmyn-em-yn

10. Illatives’ik-emyn-em-e

11. Elatives’ik-ys’(t)myn-em-ys’

12. Terminatives’ik-oz’myn-em-oz’

13. Egressives’ik-ys’en

14. Prolatives’ik-eti

15. Approximatives’ik-lan’

Source: SvetlanaEdygarova, p.c.


The estonian case system

The Estonian case system

  • Nominative book raamat

  • Genitive of a book raamatu

  • Partitive (of) a book raamatu-t

  • Illative into the book raamatu-sse

  • Inessive in a book raamatu-s

  • Elative from (inside) a bookraamatu-st

  • Allative onto a bookraamatu-le

  • Adessive on a bookraamatu-l

  • Ablative from the bookraamatu-lt

  • Translative in(to), as a bookraamatu-ks

  • Terminative until a bookraamatu-ni

  • Essive as a bookraamatu-na

  • Abessive without a bookraamatu-ta

  • Comitative with a bookraamatu-ga


S emantic roles and cross categorial case in uralic

Name

Form

Related form

Case

Diachronic status

Illative of the m-infinitive (supine)

-ma

-ma

-, illative

Historical, productive

Inessive of the m-infinitive

-mas

-ma

-s, inessive

Historical, productive

Elative of the m-infinitive

-mast

-ma

-st, elative

Historical, productive

Allative of the m-infinitive

-malle

-ma

-le, allative

Coast dialectal

Adessive of the m-infinitive

-malla

-ma

-l(a), adessive

Dialectal

Ablative of the m-infinitive

(-malt)

-ma

-lt, ablative

Dialectal, Finnish-Livonian

Translative of the m-infinitive

-maks

-ma

-ks, translative

Artificial, productive

Abessive of the m-infinitive

-mata

-ma

-ta, abessive

Historical, productive

Gerundive

-des

-da

-s, inessive

Historical, productive

Gerundive

...

-da

instructive

Historical

-t-infinitive

-da

-da

...

productive

-vat-infinitive

-vat

prtcpl

partitive

productive


These forms are not nouns

Theseformsarenotnouns

  • Uju-ma, uju-mas, uju-mastinstantiate a differentcategoryfromnoun

  • Theyarebetweenverbs and nouns, infinitivesandnominalizations (actionnouns)

  • Theycannot be modifiedby an adjective, showingcaseagreement

  • Theycannot be pluralized

  • Butthereareslightchangesintheencoding of theargumentNPs


Suspended affixation with nouns

Suspendedaffixationwithnouns

Taläkskojumütsi-ta ja salli-ta.

Shewenthomehat-abe and shawl-abe

‘Shewenthomewithout a hat and a shawl.’

Taläkskojumütsi-Ø ja salli-ta.

Shewenthomehat-Ø and shawl-abe

‘Shewenthomewithout a hat and a shawl.’


Suspended affixation not possible with the m non finites

Suspendedaffixationnotpossiblewiththem-non-finites

Taläkskojujooksmata ja kiirustamata.

Shewenthomerun-m_abe and hurry-m_abe

‘Shewenthomewithoutrunning and hurrying.’

*Taläkskojujooksma-Ø ja kiirustamata.

Shewenthomerun-m-Ø and hurry-m_abe

‘Shewenthomewithoutrunning and hurrying.’


Nominal properties

Nominalproperties

  • HavingthesamedistributionwithcertainNPs ‘markedwiththesamecase’ and instantiatingthesamesemanticroles

  • illative: goal, inessive: location, elative: source

  • partitive: theme/patient

  • The semanticroleprovidesthesemanticbasisforthe shift inthecategorial status of thecase marker


The transfer of incremental theme semantics to tam categories partitive

The transfer of incrementalthemesemanticsto TAM categories: partitive

  • ‘part-of’ N

  • > event-objectisomorphism

  • > aspect marking partitive

  • > epistemicmodality

  • > evidentiality


Incremental themes

Incrementalthemes

Mari sõipitsat.

Mari ate pizza.partitive

‘Mary waseatingthe pizza.’

Marisõipitsa.

Mari ate pizza.tot

‘Mary ate a pizza.’


Affectedness of the incremental theme and the object case

Affectedness of theincrementalthemeand theobjectcase


Aspect in general

Aspectingeneral


The participle becomes an object a uditory evidence is partial

The participlebecomes an object - auditoryevidence is partial

Mari kuulisteda

Maryheardhim/her.part

koju tulevat.

homecome-pers.pres.ptcp.partitive

‘Mary heard him/her come home.’


Visual evidence is not partial

Visual evidence is notpartial

Mari nägi Jürit

MarysawJ.part

kojutule-mas.

homecome-m_inessive

‘Mary saw Georgecominghome.’


Evidentiali ty indirect hearsay partial

Evidentiality: indirecthearsaypartial

Mari tule-vat.

M.nom come.pers.pres.participle.part

‘Allegedly/reportedly,Mary will come.’

Marituleb.

M.nom come.3.sg

‘Mary will come.’


Evidentiality epistemic modality and the incrementality of evidence

Evidentiality, epistemicmodalityand theincrementality of evidence


Conclusion semantic roles and cross categorial case

Conclusion: semanticroles and cross-categorialcase

  • Whennon-finitesarecase-marked, theycaninstantiatesemanticroles.

  • Thisbringsaboutthebroadening of themeaningofthecase and therise of grammaticalmeanings.

  • The transfer of themeaningofcross-categorialcasefrom an argumenttothepredicateorutterancedomainretainselements of themeaningofthesemanticrole.

  • I presentedtheparallelsintheSource, Location, Goal, and IncrementalThemeroles of casemarkednouns and non-finites.

  • I showedhowthesemantics of theincrementalthemeroletransferstothecategoriesofaspect, epistemicmodality and evidentiality


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