Introduction to Research Goals

1. Introduction to Research Goals My research explores the ways in which the sharing of knowledge of material culture differs in the physical and virtual medium. With the advent of digital technology and increased collaboration between indigenous communities and museums, many institutions are working collaboratively with tribes to develop digital databases of their cultural heritage objects. Theoretically, these databases can then be accessed by tribal members so that they may view the objects and then share their own knowledge about them on the digital site. I am investigating the ways in which this digital form of knowledge sharing differs from that which takes place in the physical museum space. To identify the ways knowledge is shared in the virtual realm, I analyze the membership composition and object entries of the Great Lakes Research Alliance for the Study of Aboriginal Arts and Cultures digital database. I then contrast these observations with an analysis of two case studies in which tribal members visited their cultural heritage objects in person, focusing specifically on the sort of knowledge sharing that took place in these physical encounters. Lastly, I reflect on my own experience digitizing the Museum of Anthropology’s Great Lakes basket collection, offering insight regarding the ways in which digital heritage databases and collaborative relationships between museums and tribes can be improved and supplemented. GRASAC Membership “Visual Repatriation”: Two Case Studies Yup’ik Elders and the Etnologisches Museum: In the summer of 1994, a group of seven Yup’ik tribal members traveled from Alaska to the Etnologisches Museum in Berlin to see the largest collection of Yup’ik artifacts in the world. They spent three weeks interacting with their heritage objects. The handling of the items was most special in that it elicited a sharing of stories related to family and community history. By interacting with objects such as whaling harpoons and wooden shovels, members of the Yup’ik delegation remembered stories they hadn’t heard in decades. Sugpiaq Artists and the Boulogne-sur-Mer: In 2006, a group of Sugpiaq cavers traveled from Alaska to the Boulogne-sur-Mer Museum in France to visit a collection of over 70 traditional Sugpiaq masks that had been collected in the 1870’s. By interacting with the masks and learning how they were made, the artists were able to revitalize old mask-carving traditions that had virtually disappeared from the community. Most expressed the opinion that photographs were insufficient for learning the intricacies of design, and that seeing the objects in person is what reawakened their old tradition. Like in the case of the Yup’ik, it is evident that physical interaction with heritage objects is necessary to elicit the kind of knowledge sharing that GRASAC is meant to encourage, but that does not seem to be present in the digital space. Native American Material Heritage and the Digital Age:“Virtual Repatriation” and Its Implications for Community Knowledge SharingBy Katherine Carlton GRASAC membership table My analysis of GRASAC revealed that most member institutions of the database are non-native-community-based, such as museums or record offices, rather than tribes. This trend suggests that the site is working to facilitate the sharing of cultural heritage knowledge between collecting institutions, but perhaps not between museums and tribes. GRASAC Information Sharing Digitization Process Reflections In my sample of 64 object-pages, I found that most data-fields of the objects’ contextual information were completed, such as “date made”, “construction techniques”, and “region or origin.” Based on my own experience making entries into GRASAC, I concluded that the data-fields that were left blank likely reflected the lack of information that was available in some of the museum’s catalogue records. The data-fields’ generally high completion levels suggest that the sight is effective in sharing objects’ contextual information with other members of GRASAC. However I also noticed that only 3% of the object-pages in my sample had any posted comments from community members. To explore why this would be the case, I turned to research on object surrogacy to see how the digital element of the objects could be deterring tribal members from sharing knowledge about them. Great Lakes Research Alliance for the Study of Aboriginal Arts and Cultures (GRASAC) Original Objects and the Human Connection Conclusions: Knowledge Sharing in the Digital and Physical Space In 1936, German philosopher Walter Benjamin introduced a concept he called the “aura of the original.” He suggested that original objects had a certain element that could not be recreated through mechanical reproductions. Subsequent scholars have furthered this argument in the digital age, arguing that digital reproductions do not elicit the same emotional connections to objects that individuals feel when viewing the real thing. In the context of my research, I suggest that the reason community members are not sharing information on GRASAC is that they are uninspired by the digital images. To test this point, I examine the knowledge sharing that took place in two case studies in which tribal member interacted with their heritage objects in the physical museum space. Drawing upon my analysis of GRASAC, the two case studies, and my own digitizing experience, I argue that digital heritage databases are effective for showing tribal members where their heritage objects are located and what information is available on them, but that physical interaction is necessary to elicit the sharing of cultural knowledge from community members. GRASAC and other similar sites should be viewed as a starting point for forging collaborative relationships between tribes and museums through which physical museum visits can then be arranged.