Petar kehayov reeli torn university of tartu
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Petar Kehayov & Reeli Torn University of Tartu. Modal verbs in Balto-Finnic. Types of modality The inventory of modal verbs in Balto-Finnic Grammaticalization parameters Language contact. Key issues. Modality types (van der Auwera & Plungian 1998). Possibility. Non-epistemic possibility.

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Modal verbs in Balto-Finnic

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Petar kehayov reeli torn university of tartu

Petar Kehayov & Reeli Torn

University of Tartu

Modal verbs in Balto-Finnic


Modal verbs in balto finnic

Types of modality

The inventory of modal verbs in Balto-Finnic

Grammaticalization parameters

Language contact

Key issues


Modality types van der auwera plungian 1998

Modality types (van der Auwera & Plungian 1998)

Possibility

Non-epistemic possibility

Epistemic possibility (uncertainty)

Participant-internal possibility (Dynamic possibility, Ability)

Participant-external possibility

Non-deontic possibility

Deontic possibility (Permission)

Participant-internal necessity (Need)

Non-deontic necessity

Deontic necessity (Obligation)

Epistemic necessity (Probability)

Participant-external necessity

Non-epistemic necessity

Necessity


The inventory of modal verbs in balto finnic

The inventory of modal verbs in Balto-Finnic

POSSIBILITY

NECESSITY

in all 7 languages

täytyä

in  5 languages

lie-

in  3 languages

pitää

voida

saada

tulla

tarvita


The premodal meanings of these core verbs

The premodal meanings of these core verbs

voida

‘to be able/capable’ < *‘to be strong’ (Saukkonen 1966: 74–75)

saada

‘to get’ <*‘to come’ (Saukkonen 1966: 5)

pitää

‘to seize; to hold’ (Saukkonen 1965: 113; Laitinen 1992: 137)

tulla

‘to come’

täytyä

‘to get filled; to suffice’ (Saukkonen 1965: 144)

tarvita

‘to need’ (Laitinen 1992: 130)

lie-

modal variant of auxiliary ‘be’(Saukkonen 1965: 174)


Impersonal vs personal pattern

Impersonal vs personal pattern

Minavarimpid’läem. (Salats)

Iearliermust(=hold).PST.1SGgo-INF

‘I had to leave earlier.’

Minnәnvaraldpidiksläem. (Piza)

I-DATearlymust(=hold)-COND.3SGgo-INF

‘I had to leave earlier’


Grammaticalization parameters lehmann 2002

Grammaticalization parameters (Lehmann 2002)

Integrity (semantic bleaching, formal erosion)

Paradigmaticity

Paradigmatic variability

Structural scope

Bondedness

Syntagmatic variability


Integrity semantic bleaching semantic bleaching leads to polyfunctionality e g saada get

Integrity: semantic bleachingSemantic bleaching leads to polyfunctionality; e.g. saada ‘get’


Integrity formal erosion

Integrity: formal erosion

Morphological degeneration:

lack of person/number inflection;

lack of mood inflection;

lack of voice inflection;

lack of tense inflection;

lack of negative or positive forms;

lack of nominalization(s) that are productive with other verbs.


Loss of person inflection a shift from personal to impersonal pattern

Loss of person inflection:a shift from personal to impersonal pattern

Old Written Estonian

a. Nendetähtessannade seestullewadmeilkeigeennamiste

theseimportantword-PL.GEN income-PRS.3PLwe-ADESUPERmost

kaksasjatähhele panna (Seitse Paasto-Jutlust 1817: 56: Penjam 2005: 106)

twothing-PRTto_notice-INF

‘In these important words there are two things that need to be noticed above all’

Modern Standard Estonian

b. Nendetähtsate sõnadeseestulebmeilkõigerohkem

theseimportant.PL word-PL.GENincome-PRS.3SGwe-ADESUPER most

kahteasjatähele panna.

two-PRTthing-PRTto_notice-INF

‘In these important words there are two things that need to be noticed above all.’


Modal verbs in balto finnic

Lack of nominalization(s) that are productive with other verbs:e.g. lack of agentive nounendingin –ja

a. ta tahab tulla

‘s/he wants to come’

tulla tahtja

‘one who wants to come’

b. ta võib tulla

‘s/he can come’

*tullavõija

‘one who can come’


Modal verbs in balto finnic

ParadigmaticityParadigmaticization: shift from an open class to a closed class of words, increase in irregularity, fossilization

Example of fossilization: the form of the potential moodof the Finnish verb lie- has become a modal particle/adverb

Väliaikanalieneevalmistellaanjoseuraavaa

break-ESSbe(=SPPL)-POTprepare-PRS.PASSalreadynext-PRT

kokousta. (ISK 2004: 1522)

meeting-PRT

‘Probably preparations will already be made for the next meeting during the break.’


Modal verbs in balto finnic

Paradigmatic variability: the freedom to chose between various means for expressing the category or to leave the category unspecified

The decrease of such freedom is called “obligatorification” by Lehmann. For example, the Estonian necessity verb tulema ‘to come’ requires the subject of the infinitive to be animate (b). In contrast, the verb pidama ‘to hold’, which is also used for expressing necessity, does not show such a restriction (a), and, is, thus, more obligatory:

a.Mütspeabpeasolema.

capmust(=hold)-3SGhead-INEbe-INF

‘A cap must be worn.’ (Uuspõld 1989: 475)

b.*Mütsiltulebpeasolla.

cap-ADEmust(=come)-3SGhead-INEbe-INF

‘A cap must be worn.’ (Uuspõld 1989: 475)


Structural scope

Structural scope

The structural scope of a gram is the structural size of the construction it helps to form. The structural scope of the verbs following the personal pattern – see Karelianvoija in (a) – is narrower than the structural scope of those following the impersonal pattern – see Karelian piteä in (b).

a.Mievoinlähtiemakuamah.

Ican-1SGgo-INFsleep-INF

‘I can go to sleep.’

b.Miulapitäylähtiemakuamah.

I-ADE/ALLmust(=hold)-3SGgo-INFsleep-INF

‘I must go to sleep.’ (Pekka Zaikov, p.c.)


Bondedness syntagmatic variability

Bondedness; Syntagmatic variability

Bondedness:

The syntagmatic cohesion or bondedness of a sign is the intimacy with which it is connected with another sign to which it bears a syntagmatic relation.

Syntagmatic variability:

Syntagmatic variability concerns the positional mutability of a sign with respect to those constituents with which it forms a construction.


Language contact

Language contact

Types of language contact:

Lexical borrowing

Code-copying


Language contact code copying

Language contact: code-copying

Karelian: due to the intense contact with Russian practically all core modal verbs can occur in the impersonal pattern.


Modal verbs in balto finnic

Voidgomiuлateil’äüödä moata.

can(=be_able)-3SG-QI-ADE/ALLyou-ADE/ALLnight-PRT sleep-INF

‘Can I sleep at your place tonight.’ (Palmeos 1962: 33).

Suawgolähtiesinul? (SKJ-LD 1990: 364)

get(=get)-3SG-Qdepart-INFyou-ADE/ALL

‘Can you go?’

Koskaautorikkautu,meiläpiti

becausecarbrake-REFL-PST.3SGwe-ADE/ALL must(=hold)-PST.3SG

kulkie.

walk-INF

’Because the car broke down, we had to walk.’ (Pekka Zaikov: Standard Karelian p.c.)


Modal verbs in balto finnic

Hänellätarviččenutsukeltaa. (Anastassia Trifonova: Olonets p.c.)

s/he-ADEneed-PST.PTCPdive-INF

‘S/he had to dive.’

miuлtuloosanuo (Saukkonen 1965: 154)

I-ADE/ALLmust(=come)-3SGsay-INF

‘I must say.’

Miuлtäydyölähtie (Saukkonen 1965: 147)

I-ADE/ALLmust(=get_filled)-3SGdepart-INF

‘I need to go.’

miulal´ienöuruadua. (KKS III 1983: 86)

I-ADE/ALLmust(=be)-3SGwork-INF

‘I must work.’


Verbs used with the impersonal modal pattern

Verbs used with the impersonal modal pattern

WESTERN

EASTERN

Livonian

Estonian

Finnish

Votic

Ingrian

Karelian

Veps

voida

‘to be able’

NO

NO

NO

YES

?

YES

YES

saada

‘to get’

NO

NO

NO

YES

?

YES

YES

pitää

‘to hold’

YES

NO

YES

YES

YES

YES

YES


West east cline

West-east cline:

WEST

EAST

high polyfunctionality of ‘to get’

2) verbs of possibility always occur in personal pattern

3) preference for modal verbs

low polyfunctionality of ‘to get’

2) verbs of possibility also occur in impersonal pattern

3) preference for modal adverbs


Conclusions

Conclusions

  • Seven core modal verbs in Balto-Finnic.

  • Semantically defined class with rather heterogeneous morphosyntactic properties.

  • Relatively low degree of grammaticalization.

  • The modal system of Balto-Finnic has been subjected to a considerable external influence.


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