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Manfred Krifka

Tokyo, Todai University, September 24, 2004 Bare Plurals: Kind-referring, Indefinites, Both, or Neither?. Manfred Krifka Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft (ZAS), Berlin

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Manfred Krifka

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  1. Tokyo, Todai University, September 24, 2004Bare Plurals:Kind-referring, Indefinites, Both, or Neither? Manfred Krifka Humboldt-Universität zu BerlinZentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft (ZAS), Berlin Paper to this talk is published in the proceedings of SALT XIII, 2003, and can be downloaded at: www.amor.rz.hu-berlin .de/~h2816i3x

  2. Bare Plurals:Kind-referring, Indefinites, Both, or Neither? • Goals of talk: • Interpretations of bare plurals, bare mass nouns (mostly) in English • Theory of Carlson (1977),Revival of it: Chierchia (1998), Type Raising • Problems of Chierchia (1998) • A revised theory • Appendix I: The role of information structure • Appendix II: Definite Generic NPs • Answer to the question:All of the above!(take this to be a ko-an of Zen Buddhism, for the time being...)

  3. Two Interpretations of Bare Noun Phrases in English • Two interpretations of bare NPs (bare plurals, bare mass nouns): • Existential: [[Dogs are barking.]]= wx[DOGS(w)(x)  BARKING(w)(x)] • [[Gold was found in the river.]]= wx[GOLD(w)(x)  FOUND_IN_RIVER(w)(x)] • Bare NPs appear to denote indefinite quantifiers based on properties like DOGS, = w x[x are dogs in w]e.g. [[dogs]] = wPx[DOGS(w)(x)  P(w)(x)] • Generic: [[Dogs evolved 100,000 years ago.]] = w[EVOLVED_100000_YEARS_AGO(w)(CANIS)] • [[Gold is a metal.]]= w[METAL(w)(AUREUM)] • Bare NPs appear to denote kind individuals, e.g. [[dogs]] = CANIS, the biological kind dogs, [[gold]] = AUREUM, the chemical kind gold. • Question: Are bare NPs basically -- indefinites, -- kind-referring, -- or ambiguous between indefinite and kind reading?

  4. Uniform Interpretation of Bare NPs as Kinds: Carlson (1977) • Interpretation of bare NPs as denoting kind individuals,even in the “indefinite” interpretation: • [[Dogs are barking.]] • = w[[[are barking]](w)([[dogs]])] • =w [yx[R(x, y)  BARKING(w)(x)](CANIS)]= w x[R(x, CANIS)  BARKING(w)(x)]‘there is an x that is a realizationR (a specimen) of the kind Canis, and x is barking’

  5. Arguments for Kind-Referring Interpretation • First family of arguments (Carlson 1977): Bare NPs show only narrow scope interpretation, in contrast to true indefinites • Scope with respect to intensional context: • Minnie wants to talk to a psychiatrist.(a) ‘There is a psychiatrist x, and Minnie wants to talk to x.’ (“de re”)(b) ‘Minnie wants that there be a psychiatrist x and she talks to x.’ (“de dicto”) • Minnie wants to talk to some psychiatrists.(a) and (b), as above. • Minnie wants to talk to psychiatrists.(only b) • Scope with respect to negation: • [[A dog is barking and a dog is not barking. ]](No contradiction, =w x[DOG(w)(x)  BARKING(w)(y)] as bare NP can have wide scope  w x[DOG(w)(x)  BARKING(w)(y)] with respect to negation) • [[Dogs are barking and dogs are not barking.]](Contradiction, = w[yx[R(x, y)  BARKING(w)(y)](CANIS)] as bare NP has narrow scope  w[yx[R(x, y)  BARKING(w)(y)](CANIS)] with respect to negation)= wx[R(x, CANIS)  BARKING(w)(y)]  w x[R(x, CANIS)  BARKING(w)(y)]

  6. More Arguments for Kind-Referring Interpretation • Second family of arguments (Carlson1977, Rooth 1985, Schubert & Pelletier 1987) : Anaphoric reference across kind and object interpretation • # At the meeting, some Martians presented themselves as almost extinct.(sortal conflict) • At the meeting, Martians presented themselves as almost extinct.(o.k.) • #At the meeting, some Martians claimed [PRO to be almost extinct] (sortal conflict) • At the meeting, Martians claimed [PRO to be almost extinct] (o.k.) • = w[[[ __ claimed [PRO to be almost extinct] ]](w)([[Martians]])] • = w [yx[R(x, y)  CLAIM(w)(w’[ALMOST_EXTINCT(w’)(y)])(x)](MART.)] • = w x[R(x, MART.)  CLAIM(w)(w’[ALMOST_EXTINCT(w’)(MART.)])(x)]‘There are some specimens of Martians x, and x claimed that Martians (= the kind) are almost extinct.’

  7. Arguments for Ambiguity Hypothesis of Bare NPs(Wilkinson 1991, Gerstner-Link & Krifka 1993) • » No definite kind referring NP in episodic sentencesThe dog / Dogs evolved 100,000 years ago.The dog is barking.Dogs are barking. • » Parallel distribution with indefinites in rules-and-regulation statements (Carlson 1995)A gentleman opens doors for ladies.Gentlemen open doors for ladies.??The gentleman opens doors for ladies. • » Parallel distribution with indefiniteswith respect to non-established kinds (Carlson 1977, attrib. to B. Partee):The coke bottle / *The green bottle has a narrow neck.(* on kind-referring interpretation)Coke bottles / Green bottles have a narrow neck.A coke bottle / A green bottle has a narrow neck.

  8. The Theory of Chierchia (1998),‘Reference to Kinds across Languages’, NLS • Goals: • Account for interpretations of bare NPs by general principles of type shift • Account for differences between languages(Germanic, Romance, Slavic, Chinese)by blocking of type shifts due to the presence of overt operators. • Claims: • Bare mass nouns always refer basically to kinds. • Bare plurals are basically properties,but they are always (!) type-shifted to kinds. • Apparently non-kind-referring uses of bare nounsare due to various type shifts.

  9. a b c d Chierchia (1998): Ontological Requirements • Domain forms a join semi-lattice,

  10. Chierchia (1998): Ontological Requirements • Domain forms a join semi-lattice, with join operation , bc a b c d

  11. Chierchia (1998): Ontological Requirements • Domain forms a join semi-lattice, with join operation , part relation , bc   a b c d

  12. Chierchia (1998): Ontological Requirements • Domain forms a join semi-lattice, with join operation , part relation , bc a b c d

  13. abcd abc bc a b c d Chierchia (1998): Ontological Requirements • Domain forms a join semi-lattice, with join operation , part relation ,

  14. abcd abc bc a b c d Chierchia (1998): Ontological Requirements • Domain forms a join semi-lattice, with join operation , part relation , set of atoms AT. atoms

  15. Chierchia (1998): Nominal meanings • Extension of singular count noun, in world w:[[dog]](w) = DOG(w), a set of atoms.

  16. Chierchia (1998): Nominal meanings • Extension of plural count noun, in world w:[[dogs]](w) = DOGS(w) =x[DOG(w)(x) yx[AT(y)  DOG(w)(y)]] DOGS is a cumulative property: If DOGS(w)(x) and DOGS(w)(y) then DOGS(w)(xy)

  17. Chierchia (1998): Nominal meanings • Meaning of definite article :[DOGS(w)] = the maximal individual that falls under DOGS(w) [DOGS(w)] exists because DOGS(w) is a cumulative predicate.

  18. Chierchia (1998): Kinds • Kinds have a hybrid nature: • They are individual concepts(functions from worlds to individuals) • They are systematically related to properties(applying to the specimens) • Mapping of properties to kinds by Down Operator • If P is a property, hence describable by wx[...],then  P = w[[P(w)]], that is,  P picks out the maximal individual in P(w) for every world w. • Cf. ter Meulen (1980), hybrid nature of mass nouns:» Predicate use, This ring is gold.» Referring use, Gold is a metal.

  19. Chierchia (1998): Kinds • Not every property is related to a kind: • » For every world w, P(w) must be defined;this is the case with cumulative properties like DOGSbut not necessarily with non-cumulative properties like DOG. • » Chierchia restricts the down operator further:If P is a property, then P = w[P(w)], provided this is an element of the set K AT of kinds.(reason: dogs in this buildingdoes not correspond to a kind) • Note:We must allow for partial properties and individual concepts,otherwise we cannot handle extinct kinds or imaginary kinds,like the dodo or the unicorn. • [[dodos]] = w[DODOS(w)], defined only in worldsDODOS =w[[DODOS(w)]] in which dodos exist • Up operator maps kinds to the property that applies to their specimens:If k  K, then k = w x[x k(w)]

  20. Chierchia (1998): Type Shifting • Noun phrase interpretation by type shifting • Partee’s type shifting operators: • Individual type shift  : P==>wP(w) • Existential type shift  : P==>wPx[P(w)(x)  P(w)(x)] • Predicational shift BE : wPx[P(w)(x)  P(w)(x)] ==> P • Type shift may be indicated overtly, by articles: • Individual type shift: the dog • Existential type shift: a dog, as in a dog barked. • Type shift may happen covertly, by coercion: • Predicational type shift: a dog, as in Fido is a dog. • Definite and indefinite interpretation of bare NPs in Slavic. • Blocking principle:If a language has an overt operator to express a type shift, it has to be used, i.e. covert type shift is blocked. • Chierchia’s operators as type shifters: • Down shift : P==>w[P(w)], if w[P(w)]K, else undefined. • Up shift  : k==>wx[xk(w)], if kK, else undefined. • There are no strictly generic determiners, hence these shifts are always covert, never blocked.

  21. Chierchia (1998): Three Predication Types • Regular Kind Predications: Dodos are extinct. • Characterizing Statements: Lions have a mane. • Derived Kind Predications: Dogs are barking.

  22. Chierchia (1998): Regular Kind Predications • With bare mass terms: Gold is a metal.w[METAL(w)(AUREUM)] • Mass terms are names of kinds, no type shift reqired. • - With bare plurals: Dodos are extinct.(type shift )w[EXTINCT(w)(DODOS)] • Bare plurals are basically properties, that are shifted to kind individuals by to satisfy type and sort requirements of the predicate. Bare singulars cannot be shifted, as they are not cumulative, hence *Dodo is extinct.

  23. Chierchia (1998): Characterizing Statements • Characteristic Statements  Kind predicationDogs have a tail. Dogs evolved 100,000 years ago.A dog has a tail. *A dog evolved 100,000 years ago.(o.k. only in taxonomic reading) • Treatment of characterizing statements by dyadic generic operator (Krifka e.a. 1995): • [[A dog has a tail]] = w[GEN(w) (wx[DOG(w)(x)]) (wxy[TAIL(w)(y)  HAS(w)(y)(x)])]‘Generally, if x is a dog, there is a tail y that x has.’ • Characterizing statements with bare NPs: • - With bare mass terms: [[Gold is shiny.]] =w[GEN(w)(AUREUM)(SHINY)]Type shift by  to create property. • - With bare plurals: [[ Lions have a mane.]] =w[GEN(w)(LIONS)(HAVE_A_MANE)] • Type shift by  of already shifted LIONS (!), not just w[GEN(w)(LIONS)(HAVE_A_MANE), as this would also allow for *Lion has a mane, w[GEN(w)(LION)(HAVE_A_MANE)But how could this derivation be prevented?)

  24. Chierchia (1998): Derived Kind Predications • Example: Dogs are barking. • DKP rule:If the verbal predicate P basically applies to objects, and k denotes a kind, then interpret w[P(w)(k)] as wx[k(w)(x)  P(w)(x)] • Dogs are barking. • * w[BARKING(w)(DOGS)], not interpretable due to sort mismatch • = wx[ DOGS(w)(x)  BARKING(w)(x)], by DKP rule • Narrow scope interpretation, if DKP rule is triggered locally: • John didn’t see dogs. • LF, style of Heim & Kratzer 1998 : [dogs 1[John didn’t see t1]] • interpretation (after type shift by :DOGS ==>DOGS): w [x[[SEE(w)(x)(JOHN)]](DOGS)] • after application: w [[SEE(w)(DOGS)(JOHN)]] • local application of DKP rule: w x[DOGS(w)(x)  SEE(w)(x)(JOHN)] • Notice: x has arrow scope over  due to local triggering of DKP rule.

  25. Chierchia (1998): Problems with the DKP rule • Problems of the DKP rule: • » DKP rule not couched in type shift format • Remedy: Assume a sequence of type shifts, DOG ==>DOGS ==>DOGS ==>DOGS ==>DOGSpluralization type requirement DKP-rule DKP-rule • »But now some type shifts are unmotivated: • - Shift DOGS ==>DOGS unmotivated, as the resulting structure is not interpretable • - Shift DOGS==>DOGS unmotivated, as the resulting structure is not interpretable • » There is a simpler derivation in which every step is motivated: • DOG ==>DOGS ==>DOGSpluralization type requirement • Dogs are barking.*w[BARKING(w)(DOGS)]-- type clash!after existential shift DOGS==>DOGS:w[DOGS(w)(BARKING(w))] = wx[DOGS(w)(x) BARKING(w)(x)] • Chierchia argues that existential shift is dispreferred because it has existential impact (i.e. a more specific meaning). But Chierchia’s DKP type shift sequence has existential impact as well!

  26. A Revised Type Shift Theory for Bare NPs • Goals: • » Assume locally coerced type-shifting and blocking principle. • » Replace DKP rule type shifting in accordance with general principles. • » Give semantics for regular kind predications, characterizing statements and non-generic statements. • » Account for differences between languages.

  27. Type Shifts and Interpretation • Shake’n’bake Semantics (Emmon Bach). • Convention: {A, B} = A(B) or B(A), whatever is well-formed. • Interpretation of binary branching constituents [ ]:[[[ ]]]= w[{ [[]](w), [[]](w)]}] or w[{ [[]], [[]](w)]}], w[{ [[]](w), [[]]]}],w[{ [[]], [[]]]}], whatever is well-formed • If this fails:[[[[ ]]]= w[{ TS[[[]](w)],[[]](w)]}]or w[{ TS[[[]]](w),[[]](w)]}],w[{ [[]](w),TS[[[]](w)]]}], w[{ [[]](w),TS[[[]]](w)]}],whatever is well-formed, where TS is a possible type shift operation not blocked by overt operators • If this fails:Iterate the last step (i.e. apply more type shifts) • Important type shifts: • Max Individual : Predicate P ==>P • Existence : Predicate P==>P’x[P(x)  P’(x)] • Property BE: Existential quantifier P’x[P(x)  P’(x)] ==>P • Kind :Property P==>P, = w[P(w)]

  28. Semantics of Count Nouns • Krifka (1995), comparative study of English / Chinese • Mass nouns are properties of individuals[[gold]] = GOLD, = w x[GOLD(w)(x)] • Count nouns are relations between numbers and individuals[[dog]] = DOG = w n x[DOG(w)(n)(x)] • The number argument can be filled by a number word: • [[one dog]] = w[[[dog]](w)([[one]](w))] • = w[nx[DOG(w)(n)(x)](1)] • = wx[DOG(w)(1)(x)] • Count noun relations are extensive measure functions: • - If DOG(w)(n)(x) and DOG(w)(m)(x), then n = m • - If DOG(w)(n)(x) and DOG(w)(m)(y) and x, y do not overlap, i.e. z[zx  zy] then DOG(w)(n+m)(xy) • With this, DOG(w)(n) is a quantized predicate, i.e. if DOG(w)(n)(x) and y<x, then DOG(w)(n)(y) • Quantized predicates for mass nouns: measure construction with externalized measure function • [[three ounces of gold]]= w x[GOLD(w)(x)  OUNCE(w)(3)(x)] • With count nouns, measure function is “built into” the noun meaning.

  29. Number Agreement within NP • Potential problem of this theory of count nouns: • one dog, but two dogs. • But this may be just syntactic/morphological agreement: • one, a, every: singular agreementtwo, three, many, few, all: plural agreement • This agreement is semantically irrelevant: • Decimal fractions induce plural agreement,even with one point zero: American households have, on average, zero point seven cat-s and one point zero dog-s. • Many languages with nominal plural lack agreement,e.g. Hungarian egy kutya két kutya kutyák a kutya a kutyákone dog two dog dog-s the dog the dog-s

  30. Semantically relevant number • In bare plurals and definite plurals in English (or Hungarian),number is relevant,it existentially quantifies over the number argument. • [[dog-s]] = DOGS = wxn[DOG(w)(n)(x)] • The number n is unrestricted:Did you eat apples?Yes, one. / *No, one. • Scalar implicature forces number choice in cases likeThis is an apple.(vs. These are apples). • Semantically relevant singular in bare singulars, e.g. Slavic languages like Czech:[[pes]] = w x[DOG(w)(1)(x)]

  31. Treatment of Articles • Indefinite article: [[a]] = wRPx[R(1)(x)  P(x)] • [[a dog]] • = w[{[[a]](w), [[dog]](w)}] • = w[[[a]](w)([[dog]](w))] • = wPx[DOG(w)(1)(x)  P(x)] • Combination with VP: [[[[a dog] [is barking]]]] • = w[[[a dog]](w)([[is barking]](w))] • = w[Px[DOG(w)(1)(x)  P(x)](BARKING(w))] • = wx[DOG(w)(1)(x)  BARKING(w)(x)]

  32. Existential type shift with bare NPs • Bare NPs in episodic sentences: • [[[dogs [are barking]]]] • = w[{[[dogs]](w), [[are barking]](w)}], functional application impossible • existential type shift of [[dogs]]: w[{[[[dogs]](w)], [[are barking]](w)}] • = w[[xn[DOG(w)(n)(x)](BARKING(w))]= w[Pxn[DOG(w)(n)(x)  P(x)](BARKING(w))]= wxn[DOG(w)(n)(x)  BARKING(w)(x)] • Notice: Existential type shift on [[are barking]](w) is possible as well,with the same result(cf. van Geenhoven, McNally)

  33. Existential type shift leads to narrow scope • Dogs aren’t barking • LF: [dogs1[aren’t [t1barking]]] • Interpretation:[[[dogs1[arent’t [t1barking]]]]] • = w[{[[dogs]](w), [[1[arent’t [t1barking]]]](w)}] • = w[{[[dogs]](w), 1[[[aren’t [t1barking]]]]}] • = w[{[[dogs]](w), 1[[[aren’t [t1barking]]]t11(w)] • = w[{[[dogs]](w), 1[[{BARKING(w), 1}]]}] • = w[1[[{BARKING(w), 1}]([[dogs]](w))] • = w[[{BARKING(w), [[dogs]](w)}]] • type shift necessary at this point; existential shift only option: • = w[[{BARKING(w), [[[dogs]]](w)}]] • = w[[[[dogs]]](w)(BARKING(w))] • = w[Pxn[DOG(w)(n)(x)  P(w)(x)](BARKING(w))] • = wxn[DOG(w)(n)(x)  BARKING(w)(x)] • Local triggering of type shift leads to narrow scope, as in Chierchia (1998)

  34. Existential type shift leads to narrow scope • Why not *Dog is barking? • 1. Because [[dog]] is not a property, but a relation between numbers and individuals. No type shift defined for such relations. • 2. Even if [[dog]] were a property, or a type shift by specifying the number as 1 were defined: Existential type shift is blocked by indefinite article, a. • Why no type shift to a definite interpretation, ‘The dogs aren’t barking’ • This is blocked by the overt definite article, the, and possible in languages without definite article, e.g. Slavic.

  35. Somevs. bare NPs • Why is existential type shift of dogs not blocked by some, e.g. Some dogs are barking? • Because some does not just express existence, it triggers specific interpretations; these interpretations can be captured by choice functions. • Example:Some dogs aren’t barking.wƒ[[BARKING(ƒ(xn[DOG(w)(n)(x)])]equivalent to: wx[n[DOG(w)(n)(x) BARKING(w)(x)]] • Derivation of reading:[[some dogs]] = ƒ(xn[DOG(w)(n)(x)])Choice function variable ƒ is existentially bound at certain positions. • Specific reading does not necessarily mean wide scope, cf. Every student read some bookChoice function is bound under the scope of every, cf. Abusch (1993). • Specific reading / choice function interpretation excludes characterizing interpretation:Some dogs bark.No characterizing reading except under taxonomic interpretation.

  36. Wide-scope bare NPs • Wide-scope reading of certain bare NPs observed Carlson (1977).Parts of that machine aren’t working.The police is looking for persons in this building. • Chierchia (1998): These NPs do not correspond to kinds, hence existential type shift with the option for wide-scope interpretation:If kind type shift  is ruled out, existential type shift  becomes an option. • Explanation within current theory: • » Assume an existential type shift CF with choice function interpretation:P ==>ƒ(P), with ƒ a choice function, to be bound existentially. • » This type shift is blocked by overt some. • » However, some can have a partive interpretation(roughly, when the head N refers to a finite or given set):some parts of that machinemeans: ‘some (but not all) parts’some persons in this building means: ‘some (but not all) persons i.th.b.’ • » In cases in which partitive interpretation of someis likely, some does not block choice function type shift, hence wide-scope interpretation of bare NPs is possible. • Prediction: Wide-scope reading of bare NPs occur if some would have a partitive interpretation

  37. Regular Kind Predications • Regular kind predications: • Dodos are extinct. • Assume type shift by , following Chierchia: • [[Dodos are extinct]]= w[{EXTINCT(w), wxn[DODO(w)(n)(x)]}] • type shift required:w[EXTINCT(w)( [wxn[DODO(w)(n)(x)]])]w[EXTINCT(w)( wxn[DODO(w)(n)(x)])] • Why not *Dodo became extinct?Because  is not defined only for properties, not for relations between numbers and entities, like DODO. • Why not existential type shift?Because the result would violate sortal restrictions:EXTINCT is defined for kind individuals, not for objects.

  38. Characterizing statements • Characterizing statements with bare NPs:Dogs bark. • No type shift required, as we need a predicate in the restrictor:w[GEN(w)(wxn[DOG(w)(n)(x)])(wx[BARK(w)(x)])] • Why not *Dog barks?Again, because DOG is a relation, not a property; we need properties for specifying the restrictor. • How to derive characterizing statements with singular indefinites,like A dog barks or A lion has a mane? • Recall: Indefinite article leads to quantifier interpretation, [[a dog]] = wPx[DOG(w)(1)(x)  P(x)]. • Shifting to a property interpretation by type shift BE:w[GEN(w) (w[BE[P’x[DOG(w)(1)(x)  P’(x)]]])(wx[BARK(w)(x)])]= w[GEN(w) (wx[DOG(w)(1)(x)])(wx[BARK(w)(x)])]

  39. Reflexive and control anaphora • At the meeting, Martians claimed [PRO to be almost extinct] • *At the meeting, some Martians claimed [PRO to be almost extinct] • Martians1 claimed [PRO1 to be almost extinct]. • w[{[[Martians]](w), [[claimed]](w)({[[PRO1]]PRO1[[Martians]](w), [[almostextinct]](w)}])}] • = w[{[[Martians]](w), [[claimed]](w)([{[[Martians]](w), [[almost extinct]](w)}])}] • type mismatch (twice) with [[Martians]], requiring type shifts by  and : • = w[{[[Martians]](w), [[claimed]](w)([{[[Martians]](w), [[almost extinct]](w)}])}] • = w[[[Martians]](w)(CLAIMED(w)(ALMOST_EXTINCT(w)([[Martians]]))] • = w[Px[n[MARTIAN(w)(n)(x)  P(x)](CLAIMED(w)(ALMOST_EXTINCT(w)(wyn[MARTIAN(w)(n)(y)])))] • = wx[n[MARTIAN(w)(n)(x)CLAIMED(w)(ALMOST_EXTINCT(w)(wyn[MARTIAN(w)(n)(y)]))(x)]

  40. Conclusion • “Bare NPs: Indefinites, Kind-referring, Both, or Neither?” • Answer: All of the above. • They are basically neither indefinites nor kind-referring, but properties:[[dogs]] = wxn[DOG(w)(n)(x)][[gold]] = wx[GOLD(w)(x)] • But they can be shifted to indefinites:[[dogs]] = wPx[[[dogs]](w)  P(x)] • And they can be shifted to kind-referring NPs:[[dogs]] =[[dogs]] • Hence, they are both kind-referring and indefinites. • With nouns referring to finite set, they also can be shifted to choice function interpretation:CF[[persons in this building]] = w[ƒ([[persons in this building]](w))], where ƒ is bound existentially. • Additional type shifts exist, e.g. bridging (Condoravdi 1992):A serial killer was haunting the campus. Students were aware of the danger.

  41. Appendix 1: The role of information structure • Information structure in characterizing statements (Rooth 1995, Krifka 1995, 2001)Frenchmen wear a BERET.w[GEN(w) (wx[FRENCHMEN(w)(x)]) (wxy[BERET(w)(y)  WEAR(w)(y)(x)]FRENCHmen wear a beret. • w[GEN(w) (wy[BERET(w)(y)]) (wyx[FRENCHMEN(w)(x)  WEAR(w)(y)(x)] • Analysis by Krifka (2001): Restrictor must be deaccented, “topical”. • Explanation of complexity requirement in Romance languages:NPs must be heavy enough to realize topic accent: • Elefanti di colore bianco possono creare grande curiosità.*Elefanti possono creare grande curiosità.(Longobardi 2001)

  42. The role of information structure: Stage level and Individual level predicates • Influence of episodic / stative contrast (cf. Carlson 1977, “stage level” and “individual level” predicates). Dodos walked towards the sailors.(episodic => non-generic)Dodos liked to eat grass. (stative => generic) • Analysis by Erteshik-Shir & Cohen (2001): • Every sentence must have a topic. • In episodic sentences, a possible topic is the situation talked about. • Stative situations don’t refer to a situation talked about, so something else must be the topic, this can be interpreted as the restrictor of a generic statement.

  43. The role of information structure in kind reference • Shift by down operator only if NP can count as a topic, by its position and accent. • Transistors were invented by Shockley.(kind-referring o.k,)Shockley invented transistors.(only taxonomic reading)Shockley invented the transistor. (kind-referring o.k.) • Kind-referring interpretation of bare singulars only in topic position:Hindi (Dayal 1992), Brazilian Portuguese (Schmitt & Munn 1999),Hebrew (Doron 2003) • namer / ha-namer hit’ara kan.tiger / DEF-tiger struck-roots here.‘The tiger became indigenous here’ • profesor li xoker et ha-namer.professor Li investigates OBJ DEF-tiger‘Professor Li investigates the tiger (specific animal, or species).’ • professor li xoker namer.‘Professor Li investigates a tiger.’ (only non-kind-referring, or taxonomic)

  44. Appendix 2: Definite Generic NPs • Examples: • The dog evolved 100,000 years ago.The dodo is extinct.The lion has a mane. • Such NPs do not refer to the same kind as bare plurals(Chierchia 1998, following Kleiber 1989)Lions are numerous.*The lion is numerous. • Assume that definite generic NPs refer to atomic individualsthat are related to plural kinds via operator  • Kind interpretation oflions:[[lions]] =wxn[LION(w)(n)(x)], =wxn[LION(w)(n)(x)],an individual concept, the function from worlds w that picks out the maximal individual that falls under the predicate ‘lions’ in w. • Kind interpretation ofthe lion:[[the lion]] = LIONS, = LEO LEONIS, an atomic individual of the sort ‘kind’.

  45. Appendix2: Definite Generic NPs • Type shift to specimens: If k is a kind, then Sk = wx[SPECIM(w)(k)(x)] • Characterizing predications via membership relation:The lion (usually) has a mane.wGEN(w) (S[[the lion]])([[has a mane]])] • This is not a simple episodic sentences because this would require two type shifts: S and , and this reading can be achieved in simpler ways. [[The lion approached us.]] = w[{S[[[[the lion]](w), [[approached us]](w)}] • more complex than [[Lions approached us.]] = w[{[[[[lions]](w), [[approached us]](w)}] • Treatment of predicates like be rare as event-related: • A tiger is rare. ‘To encounter a tiger is rare.’Type shift by BE: w[RARE(w)(BE[[a tiger]])] • The tiger is rare. ‘To encounter a specimen of the tiger is rare.’Type shift by S: w[RARE(w)(S[[the tiger]])]

  46. The paper to this talk is published • in the proceedings of SALT XIII • and can be downloaded at: • www.amor.rz.hu-berlin .de/~h2816i3x

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