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Economic Theory and the Current Economic Crisis

This article discusses the lessons learned from the current economic crisis and the implications for economic theory. It explores the causes and effects of the crisis, as well as the role of government and market failures. The article also examines the impact on both macro and micro-economics and highlights the need for better risk management and incentives in financial markets.

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Economic Theory and the Current Economic Crisis

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  1. Economic Theory and the Current Economic Crisis Joseph E. Stiglitz Manchester October 2008

  2. Current economic crisis has many lessons for economists • Probably most serious economic disturbance in U.S. since Great Depression • Most downturns since have been inventory cycles— • Economy recovers as soon as excess inventories are decumulated • Or a result of Central Bank stepping on brakes too hard • Economy recovers as soon as Central Bank discovers its mistake, removes its foot from brake • This economic downturn is a result of major financial mistakes • Akin in many ways to frequent financial crises in developing countries • Worse version of S & L crisis • Which led to 1991 recession • Effects spreading to Europe • Partly because of major financial losses in Europe • Partly because of exchange rate adjustments, impact on exports • Both part of globalization

  3. Pathology teaches lessons • Useful in discriminating among alternative hypotheses • Great Depression led to new insights—into how periods of unemployment could persist • Led to conclusion that markets are not self-adjusting • At least in the relevant time frame • Role for government in maintaining economy at full employment

  4. New Lessons • Insights into macro-economics • Debate about source of macro-economic failures • Nominal wage/price rigidities (in tradition of early Hicks) • Real wage rigidities (efficiency wage models) • Imperfect contracting (Greenwald-Stiglitz/Fischer debt deflation/Minsky, later Hicks) • These events are already drawing attention to Greenwald/Stiglitz/Fisher/Minsky models

  5. Insights into micro-economics • Are markets really as efficient and innovative as market advocates claim? • How do we explain these market failures? • Imperfections of information? • Irrationality? • What does traditional finance theory have to say? • What advice does economic theory give about what should be done now?

  6. Neoclassical synthesis • Belief that, once markets were restored to full employment, neo-classical principles would apply—economy would be efficient • Not a theorem, but a belief • Idea was always suspect—why should market failures only occur in big doses • Recessions tip of iceberg • Many “smaller” market failures • Imperfect information • Incomplete markets • Irrational behavior • But huge inefficiencies—e.g. tax paradoxes

  7. This is a micro-economic failure leading to a macro-economic problem • Financial markets are supposed to allocate capital and manage risk • Misallocated capital • Mismanaged risk

  8. Innovation • Financial markets did not create risk products that would have enabled individuals to manage the risks which they faced • Innovations—tax, regulatory, and accounting arbitrage • Actually resisted innovations that would have made markets work better • Inflation indexed bonds • GDP indexed bonds • Danish mortgage • Better mortgages that would have managed risk better • Better auctions of Treasury Bills

  9. Incentives • Incentives matter • But incentives in financial markets were distorted • Focus only on short term profits • Asymmetric rewards—20% of gains, none of losses • Designed to encourage gambling • Succeeded • Reliance on non-transparent stock options encouraged distorted accounting • Easier to increase reported returns than to provide better products • Opposed reforms for improved accounting

  10. Mismatch between private rewards and social returns (which may be negative) • Social returns may have been negative • Yet as a sector and as individuals they were generously compensated • Some 40% of corporate profits • With predictable consequences—behavior designed to enhance private returns, not social benefits

  11. Understanding market failure • General Theorem: whenever information is imperfect or markets incomplete (that is, always) markets are not constrained Pareto efficient • Taking into account costs of collecting and processing information or creating markets, there are government interventions that can make everyone better off • Pecuniary externalities matter • B. Greenwald and J.E. Stiglitz, “Externalities in Economies with Imperfect Information and Incomplete Markets,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 101, No. 2, May 1986, pp. 229-264. • R. Arnott, B. Greenwald, and J. E. Stiglitz, “Information and Economic Efficiency,” Information Economics and Policy, 6(1), March 1994, pp. 77-88.

  12. Application: Securitization • While it enhances opportunities for diversification, creates new agency problems • Resulting market equilibrium will not in general be (constrained) Pareto Efficient • Originator of mortgages did not have sufficient incentives to screen and monitor • J. E. Stiglitz “Banks versus Markets as Mechanisms for Allocating and Coordinating Investment,” in The Economics of Cooperation: East Asian Development and the Case for Pro-Market Intervention, J.A. Roumasset and S. Barr (eds.), Westview Press, Boulder, 1992, pp. 15-38.

  13. Application: Lending based on collateral • Increased price of houses gives rise to increased lending • Leading to increased demand • Leading to increased prices • Socially excessive lending • Bubbles • Similar problems arise in amount of foreign borrowing (endogenous exchange rates—Anton Korinek) • J.E Stiglitz and M. Miller, “Bankruptcy protection against macroeconomic shocks: the case for a ‘super chapter 11’,” World Bank Conference on Capital Flows, Financial Crises, and Policies, April 15, 1999.

  14. But this does not fully explain what went wrong • Hard to reconcile behavior with rationality • Or even rational herding behavior • Many borrowed beyond their ability to repay • Should have been obvious to both borrower and lender • But those in financial market were supposed to be financially sophisticated • Borrowing based on pyramid scheme—belief that prices would always go up • But how could low income individuals continue to pay more and more as their real incomes declined?

  15. Models used by banks and rating agencies flawed and obviously so • Underestimated correlations • Underestimated systemic risks • Once in a lifetime events happened every ten years • Should have used fat tailed distributions rather than lognormal distributions • But there already were several instances of failures from using these models—financial markets didn’t learn

  16. Zero (or negative) non-recourse mortgages are an option • Issuing such options is equivalent to giving away money • Giving away money is hard to reconcile with profit maximizing behavior • Unless there is an underlying belief in the irrationality of borrower (won’t exercise options) • Or of those to whom one will sell the mortgage • Or part of a scheme of fraud • Design was an invitation to fraud • Conflicts of interest made these more likely • But market participants seemed to ignore this

  17. Standard models and policy prescriptions used by Central Bank did not anticipate problem • Indeed, they made it worse • Denied existence of bubble (a little froth) • Encouraged people to take out variable rate mortgages when interest rates were at record lows • With individuals borrowing to capacity • And likelihood that interest rates would go up • Especially with negative amortization and balloon mortgages, high likelihood of system blowing up • Change in interest rates would lead to defaults, difficulty refinancing

  18. Denied any ability to ascertain that there was a bubble • Econometric Models to predict economic vulnerability • J.E. Stiglitz and J. Furman, “Economic Crises: Evidence and Insights from East Asia,” Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, 1998(2), pp. 1-114. • Shiller • Basic economics—how could prices keep going up when real incomes of most Americans were declining

  19. Believed in self-regulation—oxymoron • And can’t take into account interactions arising from banks’ simultaneously following similar policies • Believed that if there was a problem, it would be easy to fix • Argued that interest rate was too blunt of an instrument • If tried to control asset price bubble, would interfere with focus on current markets • But refused to use instruments at its disposal • Regulatory instruments rejected • Even though one Fed governor tried to get them to act

  20. Central banks were focused on modelscentered on second order problems—micro-misallocations that occur when relative prices get misaligned as a result of inflation • Economics professor shares blame • First order problem was integrity of the financial system

  21. Why is this a problem? • Standard model (representative agent models) without institutions says this is no problem • Misallocations couldn’t have happened • Were acting on best information available • Simply a negative shock • Some redistributions • But redistributions don’t matter • Economy simply goes on with new capital stock as if nothing had happene

  22. Redistributions and institutions do matter • Loss in bank equity will not be readily replaced • Heavy dilution demanded • Consistent with theories of asymmetric information • Asquith and Mullins; Greenwald, Stiglitz, and Weiss “Informational Imperfections in the Capital Markets and Macroeconomic Fluctuations,” American Economic Review, 74(2), May 1984, pp. 194-199. • With loss of bank capital, there will be reduced lending • Greenwald and Stiglitz, New Paradigm of Monetary Economics • What matters is not just interest rates but credit availability • Credit availability affected also regulations (capital adequacy requirements) and risk perceptions • As important as open market operations and interest rates • Spread between T-bill rate and lending rate an endogenous variable • With reduced lending, reduced level of economic activity

  23. Problems exacerbated by reduction in interbank lending • Tightening credit constraints and leading to higher lending interest rates • Banks know that they don’t know own balance sheet • And so can’t know balance sheet of others • But there are still high levels of information asymmetries • Market breakdown • Stiglitz and Weiss, “Credit Rationing in Markets with Imperfect Information,” American Economic Review, 71(3), June 1981, pp. 393-410 • Akerlof, Lemons

  24. Credit interlinkages • As important as interlinkages emphasized in standard general equilibrium model • Not fully mediated through price system • Bankruptcy in one firm can lead to bankruptcy in others (bankruptcy cascades) • Collapse of economic system • Worry underlies bail-outs (1998 LTCM, 2008 Bear Stearns) • Agent based models more likely to bring insights • No hope from representative agent models • S. Battiston, D. Delli Gatti, B. Greenwald and J.E. Stiglitz ,“Credit Chains and Bankruptcy Propagation in Production Networks,” Journal of Economic Dynamics and Control, Volume 31, Issue 6, June 2007, pp. 2061-2084.

  25. It will take time to restore bank capital, and therefore for full restoration of economy • B. Greenwald and J. E. Stiglitz, “Financial Market Imperfections and Business Cycles,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, 108(1), February 1993, pp. 77-114. • Pace will be affected by magnitude of fiscal stimulation • Money to those who are credit constrained (unemployed) • Would not work if Ricardian equivalence held or if redistributions didn’t matter

  26. Pace will also be affected by government sponsored capital injections • Hidden in bail-outs, huge wealth transfers • Many banks focusing on selling “bad assets” • By itself, doesn’t solve capitalization problem, only reduces uncertainty • They seem to be paying a high price • American bail-outs particularly non-transparent • With credit and interest rate options embedded • Access to Fed window by investment banks • Discriminatory patterns?

  27. Paulson plan badly flawed • Based on trickle down economics—throwing enough money at Wall Street will trickle down to rest of economy • Like mass transfusion—while patient is dying from internal bleeding • Does nothing to stop hemorrhaging • Buying hundreds of thousands of toxic mortgages and derivatives based on them is complex—and because of lemons problem taxpayer will overpay • If we don’t overpay, won’t repair hole in balance sheet

  28. What should have been done • Equity injection • Preferred shares with warrants • Downside protection, upside potential • Helping people stay in their homes • Already 3 million foreclosures, 2 million more expected in next year • Converting tax deduction to tax credit • Bankruptcy reform—homeowners’ chapter 11 • Direct lending to homeowners at government’s lower cost of capital and better enforcement mechanisms • Combined with conversion to recourse loans • And major haircut for banks—reducing loan amount to 90% of house value

  29. Stimulus • Even with program, economy is headed for recession • Credit contraction • Worsening of balance sheets • Cutbacks in state and local spending • What is needed • Expanded unemployment benefits • Aid to states and localities • More investment • Given high national debt, important to have large bang for buck • America does not need to stimulate consumption • Problem has been too much consumption • Simply postpones day of reckoning

  30. What was going on? Macro • At macro-level—insufficient aggregate demand induced Fed to flood economy with liquidity and have lax regulations to keep economy going • Created new bubble to replace dot.com bubble • Lower interest rates major effect on mortgage equity withdrawals, much of which was consumed • Decline in net worth, unlike case where investment is stimulated

  31. High level of demand for U.S. dollars to put in reserves • Massive reserve accumulation • Partly in response to IMF/US treasury response to 1997/1998 crisis • But exporting T-bills rather than automobiles does not create jobs • High oil prices • Massive redistribution to oil exporters • If redistributions don’t matter, wouldn’t have any consequences • But redistributions do matter • Part of global imbalances • But real side of imbalances—inadequate global aggregate demand

  32. Myopic, short sighted response • Akin to how Latin America avoided negative impact of oil price shock—borrowing for consumption • Paid a high price—lost decade • Housing bubble fueled consumption boom that offset higher expenditures on oil, large trade deficit—for a while • Not sustainable • There were alternatives—none of this was inevitable • See J. E. Stiglitz and Linda Bilmes, The Three Trillion Dollar War, 2008

  33. What was going on? Micro • Regulatory arbitrage—financial alchemy converting F-rated toxic mortgages into financial products that could be held by fiduciaries had a private (but not necessarily social) pay-off • Accounting arbitrage—bonuses based on reported profits, incentive to book profits (e.g. from repackaging), leaving unsold (risky) pieces “off balance sheet” • Distorted incentive systems

  34. Hard to explain • How markets used models that were so bad • Underestimated systemic risk • Underestimated obvious correlations • Underestimated fat tail distributions • Overestimated value of insurance (undercapitalized insurance companies) • Underestimated potential consequences of conflicts of interest, moral hazard problems, perverse incentives and scope for fraud • Appraisers owned by originating companies • Rating agencies paid by those producing products

  35. Intellectual incoherence • Argued that they had created new products that transformed financial markets • Justified high compensation • Yet based risk assessments on data from before the creation of the new products • Argued that financial markets were efficient • Based pricing on spanning theorems • Yet also argued that they were creating new products that transformed financial markets

  36. Hard to Explain • It was individually rational for those in finance to take advantage of flawed incentive structure—but not good for the system • Even if those originating mortgages had flawed incentives, why didn’t investors buying mortgages exercise better oversight? • Repeated failures

  37. Hard to Explain • Markets still have not made available mortgages that would have helped individuals manage the risks which they face • There are alternatives that do a better job • Danish mortgages • Variable rate, fixed payment, variable maturity

  38. Regulatory Failure • Using wrong models • Focusing on wrong thing • Ideological—appointed partly because of commitment to non-regulation • Political—when appointment was made, implications for campaign contributions played key role in appointment • Political (special interest) role in design of Basel II regulations—not “just” technocratic

  39. Beyond regulatory capture • Regulatory capture model provides too simplistic model of what happened • There was a party going on, and no one wanted to be a party pooper • But Fed not only failed to dampen party but also kept it going • It had alternatives

  40. Going forward • Actions by market participants generated externalities • Costs borne by taxpayers • Those who are losing their jobs • Social problems—millions of Americans losing homes • Whenever there is an externality, grounds for government intervention • Those in the financial sector would like us just to build better hospitals, but do nothing about prevention and contagion • Can we design interventions that encourage “good” innovation (questionable value of much of recent financial innovation)? • Can we avoid “political economy” problems that have marked past regulation? • Regulatory systems have to recognize asymmetries of information and asymmetries of salaries

  41. Regulation • Incentives • Conflicts of interest • Longer term • Asymmetries give rise to excessive risk taking • Stock options • Behaviors • Speed bumps • Retaining some responsibility for financial products created • Accounting • Reducing scope for off balance sheet activity

  42. Structures • Financial product safety commission • With representation of those who are likely to be hurt by “unsafe” products • Skills required to certify “safety” and “effectiveness” different from those entailed in financial market dealings • Financial market stability commission • Need separate market regulators because complexity of each market requires specialized regulators • But need oversight, to understand interactions among pieces (systemic leveraging, regulatory arbitrage)

  43. Financial market regulation is too important to leave to those in the financial sector alone • Some aspects need to be approached on a global level • IMF and Basel failed to provide adequate regulatory framework • Notion underlying Basel II that banks could be relied upon to assess their own risk seems, at this juncture, absurd

  44. Rich research agenda ahead • Exploring financial interlinkages • Bankruptcy cascades • Optimal network design (preventing contagion) • Designing financial instruments that better reflect information imperfections and systematic irrationalities • Designing appropriate mix of financial institutions • Taking into account local information • Need for renegotiation • Asymmetries of information created by securitization

  45. Rich research agenda ahead • Macro-economic models that take into account complexity of financial system • Including financial linkages • Recognizing role of banks • And the consequences of redistributions • Information imperfections, bubbles (rational herding and irrational)

  46. Research and Policy Agenda • Unfettered financial markets do not work • But regulation and regulatory institutions failed • Markets are not self-adjusting • At least in the relevant time frame • Darwinian natural selection may not work • Like Gresham’s law—bad money drives out good • Reckless firms forced more conservative firms to follow investment strategies • More prudent firms might have done better in long run—but couldn’t survive to take advantage of that long run

  47. Design of better regulations • Not only designed to discourage destructive behaviors • But to encourage financial system to fulfill its core mission • May require more extensive intervention in markets • Design of better regulatory institutions • Based on a theory of regulation that is better than simplistic “capture” theory • Which itself should be an important subject of study

  48. Our financial system failed in its core missions—allocating capital and managing risk • With disastrous economic and social consequences • Huge disparity between potential and actual GDP • We must do better • And a successful research agenda will help us to do that

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