1 / 28

Migrant Remittances: Size and Channels of Money Transfer among Oriya Workers in Surat City

Migrant Remittances: Size and Channels of Money Transfer among Oriya Workers in Surat City. By Gagan Bihari Sahu & Biswaroop Das Centre for Social Studies, Surat – 395 007. What is remittance?. Funds sent back home to families by migrants.

gemma-lyons
Download Presentation

Migrant Remittances: Size and Channels of Money Transfer among Oriya Workers in Surat City

An Image/Link below is provided (as is) to download presentation Download Policy: Content on the Website is provided to you AS IS for your information and personal use and may not be sold / licensed / shared on other websites without getting consent from its author. Content is provided to you AS IS for your information and personal use only. Download presentation by click this link. While downloading, if for some reason you are not able to download a presentation, the publisher may have deleted the file from their server. During download, if you can't get a presentation, the file might be deleted by the publisher.

E N D

Presentation Transcript


  1. Migrant Remittances: Size and Channels of Money Transfer among Oriya Workers in Surat City By Gagan Bihari Sahu & Biswaroop Das Centre for Social Studies, Surat – 395 007

  2. What is remittance? Funds sent back home to families by migrants. Livelihood systems in parts of the countryside indeed depend frequently on such remittances.

  3. What does the literature say? • A large volume of literature exists on issues pertaining to amount of remittances through cross-border migration, money transfer systems and impact of such remittances at the native end. • Most of these remittances are realized through informal channels without involvement of formal agencies like banks, credit unions and thrift institutions. • Micro-level studies in developing countries like Pakistan, Philippines etc., have shown only around half of the remittances are transferred through formal channels.

  4. Some remitters avoid formal channels simply because they are “unbanked” or lack of access to transaction accounts in mainstream financial institutions. • Elsewhere, it is argued that as formal channels remain inaccessible for a variety of economic, institutional and social reasons, most of them depend and relay on the informal money transfer systems. • Most current research focuses on transfers through cross-border migration or from developed to developing countries. There is however, a dearth empirical studies dealing with domestic money remittance.

  5. Issues • Since a large number of rural poor tend to migrate to destinations closer to home or urban centers within the same country, even if the amounts of domestic transfers is smaller than international transfers, domestic remittances are more numerous and flow to many more households. • The money transfer networks within the developing countries are often more limited than international networks due to an underdeveloped payments infrastructure and/or lack of transfer providers. • These point to an important question as to how does the remittance market function? • In case of India, the debate over the channels of money transfer and the impact thereof on the poor migrants continues at a general level without much data to support it.

  6. Objectives • Factors determining the remittance behaviour; • Channels and modalities associated with money remittances; • Reasons of migrants discontinuing or never using formal channels for transferring money; • Costs of transferring money among agencies providing such services; • Risks and difficulties faced by private service providers in providing money transfer services.

  7. Database • Oriya Migrants from Surat City • Sample size = 100 (random sampling) • These migrants work in 27 different occupations. • However, we have grouped them on the basis of their nature of jobs as: (i) Wage labourer (daily wage basis & piece rate basis) (ii) Employee in a private sector (iii) Self-employed

  8. Table 1: Average Size of Money Remitted per Month by Oriya Migrants in Surat by Their Nature of Employment

  9. Table 2: Average Size of Remittances Sent per Month by Living Arrangements among the Migrant Workers

  10. Table 3: Definitions, Measurements, Descriptive Statistics and Expected Signs of Variables used in the OLS Equation

  11. Table 4: Determinants of Size of Remittance: OLS Results

  12. Main elements of money remittance system Transfer providers Transmission mechanism Delivery approach

  13. Money remittance channels Transfer Providers Formal Informal Bank Post Office • Private Operator • Tapawala • Co-worker • Relatives • Self/other family members Cheques Bank drafts Core banking Money Order

  14. Structure of Money Transfer Channel Used by Private Operators Main Remittance Collection Counter (Surat) Statements Main Remittance Disbursal Counter (Orissa) Statements Collection Deposits Receipts Disbursal Withdrawal DA1 CC1 DA2 CC2 DA3 CC3 DA4 CC4 BANK BANK Money Transfer Disbursal Areas Collection Counter/Agent

  15. Table 5: Money Remittance Channels Used by Oriya Migrants Notes: (1) * includes all public and private sector banks. (2)includes persons other than family members and relatives belonging to remitter’s own village or neighbouring villages and working at Surat. (3)  includes cousins, uncles, brothers-in-law, fathers-in-law, nephews etc. working at Surat

  16. Table 6: Respondents’ Period of Migration and Status of Using Formal Money Transfer Channels on the Date of Interview Notes: (1)* includes those migrants who have used Banks or Post Offices at least once for transferring money from destination to origin after having migrated to Surat. (2) Figures in parenthesis of each of the cells denote percent of migrants using formal channels during the corresponding periods of their migration.

  17. Table 7: Time since When the Migrant Workers Stopped Using Specific Money Transfer Channels

  18. Table 8: Reasons for Clients Discontinuing Use of Banks in Transferring Money

  19. Table 9: Reasons for Never Using Banks for Money Transfer

  20. Table 10: Reasons for Discontinuing the Use of Post Offices for MoneyTransfer

  21. Table 11: Reasons for Never Using Post Offices for Money Transfer

  22. Table 12: Amount of Service Charges Taken by Shramik Sahajog and other Informal Transfer Providers Note: Shramik Sahajog has also been charging an extra amount of 10 rupees per remittance for its door to door pick and delivery services since January 2007.

  23. Table 13: Costs of Money Transfer Through Informal Channels (for transfer of every 100 Rs.)

  24. Table 14: Cost of Money Transfers (in Rs.) Through Formal Channels (for transfer of every 100 Rs.)

  25. Table 15: Amount of Money Transfers Realized by Oriya Migrants Through Different Channels During the Financial Year 2006-07

  26. Difficulties and Risks in the Remittance Market • Hardly any public sector bank shows interest in facilitating money transfer from Surat to Orissa. • Sending money through private banks is costlier and since they remain located mainly in the urban centres, the transfer providers at the other end have to travel longer distances every time they have to withdraw money. • Since they carry large sums of cash, there is potential risk of theft at each of the stages of collection, deposits, withdrawal and disbursal. • Lack of a uniform rates of commission charged for fund transfer and ingress of the credit market have enhanced competition among informal transfer providers which tends to threaten the viability as well as feasibility of providing such services on a prolonged basis. • With rise in the number of transfer providers, a competitive environment is very much visible in the remittance market at Surat. This not only reduces the volume of business per service provider, but also adversely effects the net profit gained per unit. • Getting reliable and efficient staff is an important aspect of dealing with remittances for the informal service providers, for a single unreliable staff can turn a viable business to an unviable enterprise.

  27. Concluding Remarks • It is found that more than 90 per cent of the migrants prefer informal over formal channels for sending money back home. • Of the total amount remitted by our respondents, as much as 69.2 per cent was sent through private operators and tapawalas, whereas the share of bank and post-offices being 10.8 and 2.2 per cent respectively. • The remitters find the private operators and tapawalas to be more effective agents than the formal transfer providers like banks, post offices as well as other informal channels such as co-workers and relatives. • Popularity of such channels in the remittance market is apparently due to their client friendly features like easy accessibility, minimum paperwork, speed, less expensive and retention of confidentiality. • In addition to being part of a cost effective and user-friendly system, such private service providers also deliver money to households at the farthest of villages that lacks access to any formal channels or agencies facilitating money transfers.

  28. Concluding Remarks • Given the acceptance, efficacy and relative advantages of such channels over the formal ones, these agencies should be recognized and protected through monitoring and regulations. In fact, linked effectively with banks, these channels may be able to provide better remittance services. At the same time, the banks as ‘inclusive’ agencies can introduce facilities and appropriate intermediations to the remitters as well as recipients of such money through these channels.

More Related