Beggars can be choosers o n vowel epenthesis in western catalan clitics
This presentation is the property of its rightful owner.
Sponsored Links
1 / 78

Beggars Can be Choosers: O n Vowel Epenthesis in Western Catalan Clitics PowerPoint PPT Presentation


  • 62 Views
  • Uploaded on
  • Presentation posted in: General

Beggars Can be Choosers: O n Vowel Epenthesis in Western Catalan Clitics. Jesús Jiménez ( Universitat de València ) Workshop on Ibero -Romance Phonology and Morphology, UCL, London , 18 March 2014.

Download Presentation

Beggars Can be Choosers: O n Vowel Epenthesis in Western Catalan Clitics

An Image/Link below is provided (as is) to download presentation

Download Policy: Content on the Website is provided to you AS IS for your information and personal use and may not be sold / licensed / shared on other websites without getting consent from its author.While downloading, if for some reason you are not able to download a presentation, the publisher may have deleted the file from their server.


- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - E N D - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

Presentation Transcript


Beggars can be choosers o n vowel epenthesis in western catalan clitics

Beggars Can be Choosers: On Vowel Epenthesis in Western Catalan Clitics

Jesús Jiménez

(Universitat de València)

Workshop on Ibero-Romance

Phonology and Morphology,

UCL, London, 18 March 2014


Beggars can be choosers o n vowel epenthesis in western catalan clitics

«The system of pronominal (anaphoric) clitics is possibly the most complex element of Catalan grammar. »

(Wheeler 2005: 341)


Main difficult issues

Main difficult issues

  • Contextual variation: Valencian em/m/&els/l+z/:

    • empassa‘s/he passes me’

    • m’ataca‘s/he attacks me’

    • melapassa‘s/he passes it femto me’

    • passa’ls‘pass them acc masc’

    • passar-los‘to pass them acc masc’

    • passa-mos-els‘pass them acc mascto us’


Main difficult issues1

Main difficult issues

  • Dialectal variation: Valencian em/m/&els/l+z/:

    • em~ mepassa

    • m’ataca

    • melapassa

    • passa’ls~ -los

    • passar-los

    • passa-mos-els~-mos-los ~-mo’ls…


Main difficult issues2

Main difficult issues

  • Polysemic forms:Valencian els/l+z/:

    • els passa cada dia

      them acc masc

      ‘s/he passes them every day’

    • els passa la sal

      them dat

      ‘s/he passes them the salt’


Main difficult issues3

Main difficult issues

  • Non-transparent –syncretic– forms, even in Valencian (mostly compositional):

    • Standard Valencian:

      elselspassa ‘to them themacc masc’

    • Alternate outcomes (only Valencian ones):

      li‘lspassalit. ‘to him/her them acc masc’

      elsho passalit. ‘to them that’

      liho passalit. ‘to him/her that ’

      liho’spassalit. ‘to him/her that pl’


Problems learning pronouns no wonder

Problems learning pronouns? No wonder

«M’he passat la nit somiant

amb els pronoms febles.»

(Martí, Poble Nou, 1994)

«Last night I had a thousand nigthmares...

about weak pronouns!»


Main focus of this talk variation

Main focus of this talk: Variation

  • Contextual variation

    &

  • Dialectal variation

    &

    The ‘choice’ of epenthetic vowels


A variation ot can deal with

A variation OT can deal with

  • The syllabification of pronominal cliticsobeys the Economy Principle:

  • E.g. epenthetic vowels are only inserted when necessary & where necessary.


A variation ot can deal with1

A variation OT can deal with

  • Previously studied in a derivational model: Wheeler (1979), Viaplana (1980), Colomina (1985), Mascaró (1986), DeCesaris (1987), Todolí (1988, 1992, 1994), Bonet (1991, 1993), Morales & Prieto (1992), Lloret& Viaplana (1996), Bonet & Lloret (1998a)...


A variation ot can deal with2

A variation OT can deal with

  • Profusion of OT works: Bonet & Lloret (1995, 1996, 1998b, 2002, 2005),Colina (1995), Jiménez & Todolí (1995), Palmada & Serra (1995), Serra (1996), Jiménez (1997, 1999), Campmany (2008)...


Why are clitics so appealing to ot

Why are clitics so appealing to OT?

syllable structure

/m/


Why are clitics so appealing to ot1

Why are clitics so appealing to OT?

phonological well-formedness conditions

syllable structure

/m/


Why are clitics so appealing to ot2

Why are clitics so appealing to OT?

phonological well-formedness conditions

syllable structure

/m/

morphological integrity

(contiguity)


Why are clitics so appealing to ot3

Why are clitics so appealing to OT?

phonological well-formedness conditions

syllable structure

/m/

morphological integrity

(contiguity)

faithfulness


Why are clitics so appealing to ot4

Why are clitics so appealing to OT?

phonological well-formedness conditions

syllable structure

paradigmatic pressure

/m/

morphological integrity

(contiguity)

faithfulness


Why are clitics so appealing to ot5

Why are clitics so appealing to OT?

phonological well-formedness conditions

syllable structure

paradigmatic pressure

/m/formal iconicity

morphological integrity

(contiguity)

faithfulness


Why are clitics so appealing to ot6

Why are clitics so appealing to OT?

phonological well-formedness conditions

syllable structure

paradigmatic pressure

. . ./m/formal iconicity

morphological integrity

(contiguity)

faithfulness


Outline of the presentation

Outline of the presentation

  • The syllabification of pronominal clitics(basics) as a conflict between markedness & contiguity constraints

  • Underlying representation of clitics

  • Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • (Morpho)phonologically conditioned allomorph selection


I the syllabification of pronominal clitics

I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics


I the syllabification of pronominal clitics1

I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics


I the syllabification of pronominal clitics2

I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics

  • 1. Syllabic well-formednessconstraints:

  • *Peak/Cons & others (*σ-Struc)

  • Onset

  • *Coda

  • *ComplexCoda

  • ...


I the syllabification of pronominal clitics3

I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics

  • 2. Faithfulness constraints:

  • Dep-V

  • Max

  • Realize-Morpheme

  • ...


I the syllabification of pronominal clitics4

I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics

  • 3. Contiguity constraints:

  • Contiguitystem: /stɔp/

  • Contiguitystem/affix: /stɔp+z/, /l+z/

  • Contiguityhost/clitic: /m#pasa/, /pasa#m/

  • /l#pasa/, /pasa#l/

  • /l+z#pasa/, /pasa#l+z/

  • ContiguityClitic/clitic: /m#l+a#pasa/


I the syllabification of pronominal clitics5

I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics

  • Contiguity over markedness 1: relevant ranking: Contiguityhost/clitic>>Dep-V, Onset, *Coda


I the syllabification of pronominal clitics6

I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics

  • Contiguity over markedness 2: ranking: Contstem/affix, Conthost/clitic>>*Complex Coda, *Coda


I the syllabification of pronominal clitics7

I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics

  • The emergency of the unmarked: relevant ranking: Contiguityhost/clitic>>Onset, *Coda >> Contiguityclitic/clitic


Ii underlying representation

II. Underlying representation

Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):

  • Option 1: [e] are the product of a phonological process of epenthesis→ the 1st person clitic:

    - has a single underlying form, /m/,

    &

    - different outputs are derived through the application of processes or constraints.


Ii underlying representation1

II. Underlying representation

Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):

  • Option 1):

  • The results in m’ataca [matáka], empassa[empása] & me la passa[melapása] can be derived from the ranking of well-founded principles.

  • The epenthetic vowel [e] & its peripheral positionare the same as the vowels appearing:

    • in patrimonial words:

      centre ‘center’ /sentɾ/ [sentɾe]

      batre ‘to hit’ /bat+ɾ/ [batɾe]

    • in loanwords: stop /stɔp/ [estɔ́p]


Ii underlying representation2

II. Underlying representation

Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):

  • Option 2: [e] are present underlyingly→

    1st person clitic:

    - has 3 different allomorphs: /m/,/em/ & /me/

    - which are a) either chosen by mere stipulation or b) derived from independently needed constraints.


Ii underlying representation3

II. Underlying representation

Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):

  • Option 2b):

  • Markedness constraints *Coda & Onset favor the winning candidates m’ataca [matáka] or me la passa[me la pása].


Ii underlying representation4

II. Underlying representation

Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):

  • Option 2b):

  • In a form such as empassa[empása]…

  • ...it’snot possible to resort to syllabification for the choice of the allomorph /em/ nor to ground the choice on contiguity constraints, since the vowel of /me/ is now part of the clitic.


Ii underlying representation5

II. Underlying representation

Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):

  • Option 2:

    Hence, at least in some cases, “the choice of one allomorph over another would have to be a mere stipulation” (Bonet & Lloret 2005: 45).

    For all these reasons, forms such as /m/ or /l+z/, without the allegedly epenthetic vowels, have been posited as underlying forms for pronominal clitics (cf. Wheeler 1979, Viaplana 1980, Mascaró 1986, Bonet 2002).


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Choice based on:

  • Segmental markedness(Palmada 1994):

    • Eastern Catalan: featureless vowel, [ə]

    • Western Catalan: two vowels, [e] & sometimes [a]

  • Positional markedness(Lloret & Jiménez 2008, Jiménez & Lloret 2013).


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel1

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • List of possible vowels:

    [i][u]

    [e][o]

    [ə]

    [ɛ][ɔ]

    [a]


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel2

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • List of possible vowels:

    [i]

    [e]

    [a]


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel3

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • List of possible vowels:

    Peak

    hierarchy

    [i]

    [e]

    [a]


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel4

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • List of possible vowels:

    Peak

    hierarchy

    [i]*Peak[i]

    [e] *Peak[e]

    [a] *Peak[a]


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel5

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • List of possible vowels:

    PeakUnstressed

    hierarchy peak hierarchy

    [i]*Peak[i]

    [e] *Peak[e]

    [a] *Peak[a]


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel6

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • List of possible vowels:

    PeakUnstressed

    hierarchy peak hierarchy

    [i]*Peak[i] *UnstrPk[a]

    [e] *Peak[e]*UnstrPk[e]

    [a] *Peak[a]*UnstrPk[i]


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel7

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • List of possible vowels:

    Peak&Unstressed

    hierarchy peak hierarchy

    [i] *Peak[i], *UnstrPk[a]

    [e]*Peak[e], *UnstrPk[e]

    [a] *Peak[a], *UnstrPk[i]


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel8

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

Variety I: Standard Valencian


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel9

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Epenthetic vowel, always [e]:at the word-level…

    • Word-initially:

      • [e]stop

      • [e]spaguetis

    • Elsewhere:

      • centr[e](cf. centr-al)

      • batr[e](cf. batr-é ‘I will hit’)


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel10

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Epenthetic vowel, always [e]:at the word-level… & in the clitic group:

    • Proclisis:

      • [e]m passa

      • m[e]l passa

    • Enclisis:

      • passar-m[e]

      • passa-m[e]l


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel11

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Ranking: *Peak[i], *UnstrPk[a] >> *Peak[e], *UnstrPk[e]


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel12

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

Variety II: Pedreguer Valencian

(Garcia & Beltran 1994, Beltran 2005)


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel13

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Epenthetic vowel:at the word-level…

    • [a] word-initially:

      • [a]stop

      • [a]spaguetis

    • [e] elsewhere:

      • centr[e](cf. centr-al)

      • batr[e](cf. batr-é ‘I will hit’)


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel14

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Epenthetic vowel: in the clitic group…

    • [a] inproclisis:

      • [a]m passa

      • m[a]l passa

    • [e] inenclisis:

      • passar-m[e]

      • passa-m[e]l


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel15

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Among unstressed syllables, initial syllables are considered prominent (i.e. peaks)

  • We can split the*UnstrPk[α]ranking in two, depending on the site of the epenthesis, i.e. in proclisis or in enclisis:

    • Proclisis:

      *UnstrPkPr[a] >> *UnstrPkPr[e] >> *UnstrPkPr[i]

    • Enclisis:

      *UnstrPken[a] >> *UnstrPken[e] >> *UnstrPken[i]

  • And order these sub-hierarchies in different ways w.r.t. the general*Peak[α]ranking.


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel16

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Enclitic forms; relevant ranking: *Peak[i], *UnstrPken[a] >> *Peak[e], *UnstrPken[e]


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel17

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Proclitic forms; relevant ranking: Ident[low], *Peak[i]>> *Peak[e]>> *UnstrPkpr[a]


Iii quality of the epenthetic vowel18

III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Proclitic forms, with underlying vowels; relevant ranking: Ident[low], *Peak[i]>> *Peak[e]>> *UnstrPkpr[a]


Iv allomorph selection

IV. Allomorph selection

  • Case study:

    Plural masculine accusative


Iv allomorph selection1

IV. Allomorph selection

  • Data(Standard Valencian):

  • Proclisis: always [(e)ls]: elsporta,voselsporta

  • Enclisis:

    • [ls] after a host ending in V: porta’ls, &

    • [ls] after clitics ending in (epenthetic) V: portar-me’ls

    • [los] after a host ending in C: portar-los

    • [els] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-els


Iv allomorph selection2

IV. Allomorph selection

  • Formal interpretation: the clitic pronoun els has two allomorphs (Mascaró 1986; Todolí 1988, 1992; Jiménez 1997):

    /l+z/ ~ /l+o+z/

    /o/is a gender morph→ not an epenthetic vowel


Iv allomorph selection3

IV. Allomorph selection

  • Following Bonet, Lloret & Mascaró (2007), we assume both allomorphs (/l+z/ & /l+o+z/) are ordered in the lexical entry:

    Accusative plural: {/l+z/ >/l+o+z/}

  • The selection of the first form is enhanced by the Priority constraint, which «demands faithfulness to this ordering, i.e. favors the choice of the unmarked allomorph» (Bonet, Lloret & Mascaró 2007: 906)


Iv allomorph selection4

IV. Allomorph selection

Variety I: Standard Valencian

Priority ({l+z>l+o+z}) >> Dep-V


Iv allomorph selection5

IV. Allomorph selection

  • Data(Standard Valencian):

  • Proclisis: always [(e)ls]: elsporta,voselsporta

  • Enclisis:

    • [ls] after a host ending in V: porta’ls, &

    • [ls] after clitics ending in (epenthetic) V: portar-me’ls

    • [los] after a host ending in C: portar-los

    • [els] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-els


Iv allomorph selection6

IV. Allomorph selection

  • Ranking: Contstem/affix, Conthost/clitic >> Priority({l+z > l+o+z}) >> Dep-V


Iv allomorph selection7

IV. Allomorph selection

  • Ranking: Contstem/affix, Conthost/clitic >> Priority({l+z > l+o+z}) >> Dep-V


Iv allomorph selection8

IV. Allomorph selection

Variety II: Pedreguer Valencian

Dep-V >> Priority ({l+z>l+o+z})


Iv allomorph selection9

IV. Allomorph selection

  • Ranking: Contstem/affix, Conthost/clitic >> Dep-V >> Priority({l+z > l+o+z})


Iv allomorph selection10

IV. Allomorph selection

  • Ranking: Contstem/affix, Conthost/clitic>> Dep-V >> Priority({l+z > l+o+z})


Iv allomorph selection11

IV. Allomorph selection

  • Data(Pedreguer Valencian):

  • Enclisis:

    • [ls] after a host ending in V: porta’ls, &

    • [ls] after a clitic ending in (epenthetic) V: portar-me’ls

    • [los] after a host ending in C: portar-los, &

    • [los] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-los

      (cf. standard portar-vos-els)

      Intermediate extension of /l+o+z/


Iv allomorph selection12

IV. Allomorph selection

Variety III: Palmera Valencian

Priority inversion

({l+o+z>l+z}) in enclisis


Iv allomorph selection13

IV. Allomorph selection

  • Ranking: Contstem/affix, Conthost/clitic >> Dep-V, Priority({l+o+z > l+z})


Iv allomorph selection14

IV. Allomorph selection

  • Ranking: Contstem/affix, Conthost/clitic >> Dep-V, Priority({l+o+z > l+z})


Iv allomorph selection15

IV. Allomorph selection

  • Data(Palmera Valencian):

  • Enclisis:

    • [los] after a host ending in V: porta-los, &

    • [los] after a clitic ending in (epenth.) V: portar-me-los

    • [los] after a host ending in C: portar-los, &

    • [los] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-los

      Maximal extension of /l+o+z/


V final remarks

V. Final remarks

  • In the process of grammaticalization, pronominal clitics tend to become regular affixes & reduce their form to the minimum:

    …Independent words

    Palmera Valencian

    Pedreguer Valencian

    Standard Valencian

    …Affixes


V final remarks1

V. Final remarks

  • Hence, as regular affixes, they tend to add the default epenthetic vowel:

    [e] in Western Catalan

    [ə] in Eastern Catalan

  • Although sometimes the support segments are chosen on positional markedness or on morphophonologicalgrounds: cf., respectively,Pedreguer Valencian [a]lsporta& portar-l[o]s.


V final remarks2

V. Final remarks

  • With regard to the last exceptions to the general pattern, we find a very remarkable asymmetry between morphosyntactic & phonological prominence:

    • On the one hand, whereas procliticformstend to maximally reduce, resorting, if needed, to an epenthetic vowel (cf. Standard Val. [e]lsporta), enclitic forms can retain part of their primordial morphosyntacticindependence with the presence of specific gender markers (cf. Standard Val. portar-l[o]s).


V final remarks3

V. Final remarks

  • With regard to these exceptions to the general rule, we find a very remarkable asymmetry between morphosyntactic & phonological prominence:

    • On the other hand, only proclitic forms usually take vowels whose segmental features replicate the phonological prominence of the initial position, as in Pedreguer Val. m[a]lsporta vs. porta-m[e]ls.


Vi references

VI. References

  • Alderete, John (1995): Faithfulness to prosodic heads. Ms., University of Massachusetts, Amherst.

  • Barnes, Jonathan (2002): The phonetics and phonology of positional neutralization. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley. Published as Strength and weakness at the interface: Positional neutralization in phonetics and phonology. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2006.

  • Beltran, Vicent (2005): El parlar de la Marina Alta. 2 vols. Alacant: Departament de Filologia Catalana, Universitat d’Alacant.

  • Bonet, Eulàlia (1991): La morfologia dels clítics pronominals en català i en altres llengües romàniques. Ph.D.dissertation, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.

  • Bonet, Eulàlia (1993): «3rd Person Pronominal Clitics in Dialects of Catalan».Catalan Working Papers in Linguistics 3-1: 85-111.

  • Bonet, Eulàlia (2002): «Cliticització». In: Joan Solà; Maria-Rosa Lloret; Joan Mascaró & Manuel Pérez Saldanya (dir.) Gramàtica del català contemporani. Vol. 1. Barcelona: Empúries, 933-989.

  • Bonet, Eulàlia & Maria-RosaLloret (1995): Cliticització i sil·labificació. I Col·loqui de Fonologia Catalana, S’Agaró (Girona).


Vi references1

VI. References

  • Bonet, Eulàlia & Maria-RosaLloret (1996): Variació dialectal i optimitat. Epèntesi en el grup clític. 6è Col·loqui de Gramàtica generativa, València.

  • Bonet, Eulàlia & Maria-RosaLloret (1998a): Fonologia catalana. Barcelona: Ariel.

  • Bonet, Eulàlia & Maria-RosaLloret (1998b): La sil·labificació del grup clític en català. Novè Col·loqui de la NACS, Barcelona. Bonet, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa Lloret(2002): «OCP effects in Catalan cliticization». Catalan Journal of Linguistics 1: 19-39.

  • Bonet, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa Lloret(2005): «More on alignment as an alternative to domains: the syllabification of Catalan clitics».Probus17.1: 37-78.

  • Bonet, Eulàlia, Maria-Rosa Lloret & JoanMascaró(2007): «Allomorph selection and lexical preferences: Two case studies». Lingua 117: 903-927.

  • Campmany, Elisenda (2008): Diferències fonològiques entre diversos estils de parla al català central septentrional. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat de Barcelona.

  • Colina, Sonia (1995): A Constraint-based Analysis of Syllabification in Spanish, Catalan, and Galician. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois, Urbana.


Vi references2

VI. References

  • Colomina, Jordi (1985): L'alacantí. Un estudi sobre la variació lingüística. Alacant: Institutd'Estudis «Juan Gil-Albert», Diputació Provincial d'Alacant.

  • Crosswhite, Katherine (1999): Vowel reduction in Optimality Theory. Ph.D. dissertation, UCLA. Published in London / New York: Routledge, 2001.

  • DeCesaris, Janet A. (1987): «Epenthesis in Catalan». In: Carol Neidle & Rafael A. Núñez(ed.) Studies in Romance Languages: Proceedings if the 15th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages. Dordrecht: Foris, 79-92.

  • Garcia, Josepa & VicentBeltran (1994): El parlar de Pedreguer. Pedreguer: Ajuntament de Pedreguer, Institutd’EstudisComarcals de la Marina Alta.

  • Jiménez, Jesús (1997): L’estructura siŀlàbica del dialecte valencià. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat de València.

  • Jiménez, Jesús (1999): L’estructura siŀlàbica del català. València, Barcelona: IIFV, Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat.

  • Jiménez, Jesús & Maria-RosaLloret (2013): «Vocalic adjustments under positional markedness in Catalan and other Romance languages». In: Victoria Camacho-Taboada; Ángel L Jiménez-Fernández; Javier Martín-González & Mariano Reyes-Tejedor (ed.) InformationStructure and Agreement. (LinguistikAktuell/LinguisticsToday, 197). Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 319-336.


Vi references3

VI. References

  • Jiménez, Jesús & Júlia Todolí(1995): «La forma dels pronoms clítics catalans: condicions sil·làbiques i alineament morfològic». In: Carlos Martín Vide (ed.) Actes del XIè Congrés de Llenguatges Naturals i Llenguatges Formals. Barcelona: Promociones y PublicacionesUniversitarias, 429-437.

  • Lloret, Maria-Rosa & Jesús Jiménez (1998): «Marcatge posicional i prominència en el vocalismeàton». Caplletra 45: 55-91. Lloret, Maria-Rosa & Joaquim Viaplana (1996): «Els clítics pronominals singulars del català oriental: una aproximació interdialectal». Estudis de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes XXXII: 273-309.

  • Mascaró, Joan (1986): Morfologia. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana.

  • Morales, Alfonso & Pilar Prieto (1992): «Processosd'epèntesi en grups de clítics en tortosí». In: Actesdel SisèCol·loquid'EstudisCatalans a Nord-Amèrica (Vancouver, 1990). Barcelona: Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat, 131-142.

  • Palmada, Blanca (1994): La fonologia del català. Els principis actius i la variació. Bellaterra: Publicacions de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.

  • Palmada, Blanca & Pep Serra (1995): La sil·labificació òptima del clítics. Treball presentat al I Col·loqui de Fonologia Catalana, S’Agaró (Girona).


Vi references4

VI. References

  • Serra, Pep (1996): La fonologia prosòdica del català. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat de Girona.

  • Todolí, Júlia (1988): Estat actual de la combinació binària de pronoms febles al País Valencià. Master’sThesis, Universitat de València.

  • Todolí, Júlia (1992): «Variants dels pronoms febles de 3a persona al País Valencià: regles fonosintàctiques i morfològiques». ZeitschriftfürKatalanistik 5: 137-160.

  • Todolí, Júlia (1994): «Els clítics pronominals de 3a persona a les comarques d'Alacant: interferència lingüística del castellà?». Actes del IXè Col·loqui Internacional de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes, vol. 3. Barcelona: Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat, 197-209.

  • Viaplana, Joaquim (1980): «Algunes consideracions sobre les formes pronominals del barceloní». Anuario de Filología 6: 459-483.

  • Wheeler, Max (1979): Phonology of Catalan. Oxford: Blackwell.

  • Wheeler, Max (2005): The Phonology of Catalan. Oxford: Oxford University Press.


Thank you for your attention

Thank you for your attention

Jesús Jiménez([email protected])

Presentation soon available at:

http://www.ub.edu/GEVAD/

Research funded by the Spanish MINECO and the FEDER

(FFI2010-22181-C03-02) and bythe Generalitat de Catalunya (2009SGR521)

78


  • Login