Beggars can be choosers o n vowel epenthesis in western catalan clitics
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Beggars Can be Choosers: O n Vowel Epenthesis in Western Catalan Clitics. Jesús Jiménez ( Universitat de València ) Workshop on Ibero -Romance Phonology and Morphology, UCL, London , 18 March 2014.

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Beggars Can be Choosers: O n Vowel Epenthesis in Western Catalan Clitics

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Beggars Can be Choosers: On Vowel Epenthesis in Western Catalan Clitics

Jesús Jiménez

(Universitat de València)

Workshop on Ibero-Romance

Phonology and Morphology,

UCL, London, 18 March 2014


«The system of pronominal (anaphoric) clitics is possibly the most complex element of Catalan grammar. »

(Wheeler 2005: 341)


Main difficult issues

  • Contextual variation: Valencian em/m/&els/l+z/:

    • empassa‘s/he passes me’

    • m’ataca‘s/he attacks me’

    • melapassa‘s/he passes it femto me’

    • passa’ls‘pass them acc masc’

    • passar-los‘to pass them acc masc’

    • passa-mos-els‘pass them acc mascto us’


Main difficult issues

  • Dialectal variation: Valencian em/m/&els/l+z/:

    • em~ mepassa

    • m’ataca

    • melapassa

    • passa’ls~ -los

    • passar-los

    • passa-mos-els~-mos-los ~-mo’ls…


Main difficult issues

  • Polysemic forms:Valencian els/l+z/:

    • els passa cada dia

      them acc masc

      ‘s/he passes them every day’

    • els passa la sal

      them dat

      ‘s/he passes them the salt’


Main difficult issues

  • Non-transparent –syncretic– forms, even in Valencian (mostly compositional):

    • Standard Valencian:

      elselspassa ‘to them themacc masc’

    • Alternate outcomes (only Valencian ones):

      li‘lspassalit. ‘to him/her them acc masc’

      elsho passalit. ‘to them that’

      liho passalit. ‘to him/her that ’

      liho’spassalit. ‘to him/her that pl’


Problems learning pronouns? No wonder

«M’he passat la nit somiant

amb els pronoms febles.»

(Martí, Poble Nou, 1994)

«Last night I had a thousand nigthmares...

about weak pronouns!»


Main focus of this talk: Variation

  • Contextual variation

    &

  • Dialectal variation

    &

    The ‘choice’ of epenthetic vowels


A variation OT can deal with

  • The syllabification of pronominal cliticsobeys the Economy Principle:

  • E.g. epenthetic vowels are only inserted when necessary & where necessary.


A variation OT can deal with

  • Previously studied in a derivational model: Wheeler (1979), Viaplana (1980), Colomina (1985), Mascaró (1986), DeCesaris (1987), Todolí (1988, 1992, 1994), Bonet (1991, 1993), Morales & Prieto (1992), Lloret& Viaplana (1996), Bonet & Lloret (1998a)...


A variation OT can deal with

  • Profusion of OT works: Bonet & Lloret (1995, 1996, 1998b, 2002, 2005),Colina (1995), Jiménez & Todolí (1995), Palmada & Serra (1995), Serra (1996), Jiménez (1997, 1999), Campmany (2008)...


Why are clitics so appealing to OT?

syllable structure

/m/


Why are clitics so appealing to OT?

phonological well-formedness conditions

syllable structure

/m/


Why are clitics so appealing to OT?

phonological well-formedness conditions

syllable structure

/m/

morphological integrity

(contiguity)


Why are clitics so appealing to OT?

phonological well-formedness conditions

syllable structure

/m/

morphological integrity

(contiguity)

faithfulness


Why are clitics so appealing to OT?

phonological well-formedness conditions

syllable structure

paradigmatic pressure

/m/

morphological integrity

(contiguity)

faithfulness


Why are clitics so appealing to OT?

phonological well-formedness conditions

syllable structure

paradigmatic pressure

/m/formal iconicity

morphological integrity

(contiguity)

faithfulness


Why are clitics so appealing to OT?

phonological well-formedness conditions

syllable structure

paradigmatic pressure

. . ./m/formal iconicity

morphological integrity

(contiguity)

faithfulness


Outline of the presentation

  • The syllabification of pronominal clitics(basics) as a conflict between markedness & contiguity constraints

  • Underlying representation of clitics

  • Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • (Morpho)phonologically conditioned allomorph selection


I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics


I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics


I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics

  • 1. Syllabic well-formednessconstraints:

  • *Peak/Cons & others (*σ-Struc)

  • Onset

  • *Coda

  • *ComplexCoda

  • ...


I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics

  • 2. Faithfulness constraints:

  • Dep-V

  • Max

  • Realize-Morpheme

  • ...


I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics

  • 3. Contiguity constraints:

  • Contiguitystem: /stɔp/

  • Contiguitystem/affix: /stɔp+z/, /l+z/

  • Contiguityhost/clitic: /m#pasa/, /pasa#m/

  • /l#pasa/, /pasa#l/

  • /l+z#pasa/, /pasa#l+z/

  • ContiguityClitic/clitic: /m#l+a#pasa/


I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics

  • Contiguity over markedness 1: relevant ranking: Contiguityhost/clitic>>Dep-V, Onset, *Coda


I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics

  • Contiguity over markedness 2: ranking: Contstem/affix, Conthost/clitic>>*Complex Coda, *Coda


I. The syllabification of pronominal clitics

  • The emergency of the unmarked: relevant ranking: Contiguityhost/clitic>>Onset, *Coda >> Contiguityclitic/clitic


II. Underlying representation

Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):

  • Option 1: [e] are the product of a phonological process of epenthesis→ the 1st person clitic:

    - has a single underlying form, /m/,

    &

    - different outputs are derived through the application of processes or constraints.


II. Underlying representation

Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):

  • Option 1):

  • The results in m’ataca [matáka], empassa[empása] & me la passa[melapása] can be derived from the ranking of well-founded principles.

  • The epenthetic vowel [e] & its peripheral positionare the same as the vowels appearing:

    • in patrimonial words:

      centre ‘center’ /sentɾ/ [sentɾe]

      batre ‘to hit’ /bat+ɾ/ [batɾe]

    • in loanwords: stop /stɔp/ [estɔ́p]


II. Underlying representation

Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):

  • Option 2: [e] are present underlyingly→

    1st person clitic:

    - has 3 different allomorphs: /m/,/em/ & /me/

    - which are a) either chosen by mere stipulation or b) derived from independently needed constraints.


II. Underlying representation

Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):

  • Option 2b):

  • Markedness constraints *Coda & Onset favor the winning candidates m’ataca [matáka] or me la passa[me la pása].


II. Underlying representation

Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):

  • Option 2b):

  • In a form such as empassa[empása]…

  • ...it’snot possible to resort to syllabification for the choice of the allomorph /em/ nor to ground the choice on contiguity constraints, since the vowel of /me/ is now part of the clitic.


II. Underlying representation

Formal options (Bonet & Lloret 2005: §3):

  • Option 2:

    Hence, at least in some cases, “the choice of one allomorph over another would have to be a mere stipulation” (Bonet & Lloret 2005: 45).

    For all these reasons, forms such as /m/ or /l+z/, without the allegedly epenthetic vowels, have been posited as underlying forms for pronominal clitics (cf. Wheeler 1979, Viaplana 1980, Mascaró 1986, Bonet 2002).


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Choice based on:

  • Segmental markedness(Palmada 1994):

    • Eastern Catalan: featureless vowel, [ə]

    • Western Catalan: two vowels, [e] & sometimes [a]

  • Positional markedness(Lloret & Jiménez 2008, Jiménez & Lloret 2013).


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • List of possible vowels:

    [i][u]

    [e][o]

    [ə]

    [ɛ][ɔ]

    [a]


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • List of possible vowels:

    [i]

    [e]

    [a]


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • List of possible vowels:

    Peak

    hierarchy

    [i]

    [e]

    [a]


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • List of possible vowels:

    Peak

    hierarchy

    [i]*Peak[i]

    [e] *Peak[e]

    [a] *Peak[a]


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • List of possible vowels:

    PeakUnstressed

    hierarchy peak hierarchy

    [i]*Peak[i]

    [e] *Peak[e]

    [a] *Peak[a]


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • List of possible vowels:

    PeakUnstressed

    hierarchy peak hierarchy

    [i]*Peak[i] *UnstrPk[a]

    [e] *Peak[e]*UnstrPk[e]

    [a] *Peak[a]*UnstrPk[i]


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • List of possible vowels:

    Peak&Unstressed

    hierarchy peak hierarchy

    [i] *Peak[i], *UnstrPk[a]

    [e]*Peak[e], *UnstrPk[e]

    [a] *Peak[a], *UnstrPk[i]


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

Variety I: Standard Valencian


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Epenthetic vowel, always [e]:at the word-level…

    • Word-initially:

      • [e]stop

      • [e]spaguetis

    • Elsewhere:

      • centr[e](cf. centr-al)

      • batr[e](cf. batr-é ‘I will hit’)


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Epenthetic vowel, always [e]:at the word-level… & in the clitic group:

    • Proclisis:

      • [e]m passa

      • m[e]l passa

    • Enclisis:

      • passar-m[e]

      • passa-m[e]l


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Ranking: *Peak[i], *UnstrPk[a] >> *Peak[e], *UnstrPk[e]


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

Variety II: Pedreguer Valencian

(Garcia & Beltran 1994, Beltran 2005)


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Epenthetic vowel:at the word-level…

    • [a] word-initially:

      • [a]stop

      • [a]spaguetis

    • [e] elsewhere:

      • centr[e](cf. centr-al)

      • batr[e](cf. batr-é ‘I will hit’)


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Epenthetic vowel: in the clitic group…

    • [a] inproclisis:

      • [a]m passa

      • m[a]l passa

    • [e] inenclisis:

      • passar-m[e]

      • passa-m[e]l


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Among unstressed syllables, initial syllables are considered prominent (i.e. peaks)

  • We can split the*UnstrPk[α]ranking in two, depending on the site of the epenthesis, i.e. in proclisis or in enclisis:

    • Proclisis:

      *UnstrPkPr[a] >> *UnstrPkPr[e] >> *UnstrPkPr[i]

    • Enclisis:

      *UnstrPken[a] >> *UnstrPken[e] >> *UnstrPken[i]

  • And order these sub-hierarchies in different ways w.r.t. the general*Peak[α]ranking.


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Enclitic forms; relevant ranking: *Peak[i], *UnstrPken[a] >> *Peak[e], *UnstrPken[e]


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Proclitic forms; relevant ranking: Ident[low], *Peak[i]>> *Peak[e]>> *UnstrPkpr[a]


III. Quality of the epenthetic vowel

  • Proclitic forms, with underlying vowels; relevant ranking: Ident[low], *Peak[i]>> *Peak[e]>> *UnstrPkpr[a]


IV. Allomorph selection

  • Case study:

    Plural masculine accusative


IV. Allomorph selection

  • Data(Standard Valencian):

  • Proclisis: always [(e)ls]: elsporta,voselsporta

  • Enclisis:

    • [ls] after a host ending in V: porta’ls, &

    • [ls] after clitics ending in (epenthetic) V: portar-me’ls

    • [los] after a host ending in C: portar-los

    • [els] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-els


IV. Allomorph selection

  • Formal interpretation: the clitic pronoun els has two allomorphs (Mascaró 1986; Todolí 1988, 1992; Jiménez 1997):

    /l+z/ ~ /l+o+z/

    /o/is a gender morph→ not an epenthetic vowel


IV. Allomorph selection

  • Following Bonet, Lloret & Mascaró (2007), we assume both allomorphs (/l+z/ & /l+o+z/) are ordered in the lexical entry:

    Accusative plural: {/l+z/ >/l+o+z/}

  • The selection of the first form is enhanced by the Priority constraint, which «demands faithfulness to this ordering, i.e. favors the choice of the unmarked allomorph» (Bonet, Lloret & Mascaró 2007: 906)


IV. Allomorph selection

Variety I: Standard Valencian

Priority ({l+z>l+o+z}) >> Dep-V


IV. Allomorph selection

  • Data(Standard Valencian):

  • Proclisis: always [(e)ls]: elsporta,voselsporta

  • Enclisis:

    • [ls] after a host ending in V: porta’ls, &

    • [ls] after clitics ending in (epenthetic) V: portar-me’ls

    • [los] after a host ending in C: portar-los

    • [els] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-els


IV. Allomorph selection

  • Ranking: Contstem/affix, Conthost/clitic >> Priority({l+z > l+o+z}) >> Dep-V


IV. Allomorph selection

  • Ranking: Contstem/affix, Conthost/clitic >> Priority({l+z > l+o+z}) >> Dep-V


IV. Allomorph selection

Variety II: Pedreguer Valencian

Dep-V >> Priority ({l+z>l+o+z})


IV. Allomorph selection

  • Ranking: Contstem/affix, Conthost/clitic >> Dep-V >> Priority({l+z > l+o+z})


IV. Allomorph selection

  • Ranking: Contstem/affix, Conthost/clitic>> Dep-V >> Priority({l+z > l+o+z})


IV. Allomorph selection

  • Data(Pedreguer Valencian):

  • Enclisis:

    • [ls] after a host ending in V: porta’ls, &

    • [ls] after a clitic ending in (epenthetic) V: portar-me’ls

    • [los] after a host ending in C: portar-los, &

    • [los] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-los

      (cf. standard portar-vos-els)

      Intermediate extension of /l+o+z/


IV. Allomorph selection

Variety III: Palmera Valencian

Priority inversion

({l+o+z>l+z}) in enclisis


IV. Allomorph selection

  • Ranking: Contstem/affix, Conthost/clitic >> Dep-V, Priority({l+o+z > l+z})


IV. Allomorph selection

  • Ranking: Contstem/affix, Conthost/clitic >> Dep-V, Priority({l+o+z > l+z})


IV. Allomorph selection

  • Data(Palmera Valencian):

  • Enclisis:

    • [los] after a host ending in V: porta-los, &

    • [los] after a clitic ending in (epenth.) V: portar-me-los

    • [los] after a host ending in C: portar-los, &

    • [los] after a clitic ending in C: portar-vos-los

      Maximal extension of /l+o+z/


V. Final remarks

  • In the process of grammaticalization, pronominal clitics tend to become regular affixes & reduce their form to the minimum:

    …Independent words

    Palmera Valencian

    Pedreguer Valencian

    Standard Valencian

    …Affixes


V. Final remarks

  • Hence, as regular affixes, they tend to add the default epenthetic vowel:

    [e] in Western Catalan

    [ə] in Eastern Catalan

  • Although sometimes the support segments are chosen on positional markedness or on morphophonologicalgrounds: cf., respectively,Pedreguer Valencian [a]lsporta& portar-l[o]s.


V. Final remarks

  • With regard to the last exceptions to the general pattern, we find a very remarkable asymmetry between morphosyntactic & phonological prominence:

    • On the one hand, whereas procliticformstend to maximally reduce, resorting, if needed, to an epenthetic vowel (cf. Standard Val. [e]lsporta), enclitic forms can retain part of their primordial morphosyntacticindependence with the presence of specific gender markers (cf. Standard Val. portar-l[o]s).


V. Final remarks

  • With regard to these exceptions to the general rule, we find a very remarkable asymmetry between morphosyntactic & phonological prominence:

    • On the other hand, only proclitic forms usually take vowels whose segmental features replicate the phonological prominence of the initial position, as in Pedreguer Val. m[a]lsporta vs. porta-m[e]ls.


VI. References

  • Alderete, John (1995): Faithfulness to prosodic heads. Ms., University of Massachusetts, Amherst.

  • Barnes, Jonathan (2002): The phonetics and phonology of positional neutralization. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley. Published as Strength and weakness at the interface: Positional neutralization in phonetics and phonology. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2006.

  • Beltran, Vicent (2005): El parlar de la Marina Alta. 2 vols. Alacant: Departament de Filologia Catalana, Universitat d’Alacant.

  • Bonet, Eulàlia (1991): La morfologia dels clítics pronominals en català i en altres llengües romàniques. Ph.D.dissertation, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.

  • Bonet, Eulàlia (1993): «3rd Person Pronominal Clitics in Dialects of Catalan».Catalan Working Papers in Linguistics 3-1: 85-111.

  • Bonet, Eulàlia (2002): «Cliticització». In: Joan Solà; Maria-Rosa Lloret; Joan Mascaró & Manuel Pérez Saldanya (dir.) Gramàtica del català contemporani. Vol. 1. Barcelona: Empúries, 933-989.

  • Bonet, Eulàlia & Maria-RosaLloret (1995): Cliticització i sil·labificació. I Col·loqui de Fonologia Catalana, S’Agaró (Girona).


VI. References

  • Bonet, Eulàlia & Maria-RosaLloret (1996): Variació dialectal i optimitat. Epèntesi en el grup clític. 6è Col·loqui de Gramàtica generativa, València.

  • Bonet, Eulàlia & Maria-RosaLloret (1998a): Fonologia catalana. Barcelona: Ariel.

  • Bonet, Eulàlia & Maria-RosaLloret (1998b): La sil·labificació del grup clític en català. Novè Col·loqui de la NACS, Barcelona. Bonet, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa Lloret(2002): «OCP effects in Catalan cliticization». Catalan Journal of Linguistics 1: 19-39.

  • Bonet, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa Lloret(2005): «More on alignment as an alternative to domains: the syllabification of Catalan clitics».Probus17.1: 37-78.

  • Bonet, Eulàlia, Maria-Rosa Lloret & JoanMascaró(2007): «Allomorph selection and lexical preferences: Two case studies». Lingua 117: 903-927.

  • Campmany, Elisenda (2008): Diferències fonològiques entre diversos estils de parla al català central septentrional. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat de Barcelona.

  • Colina, Sonia (1995): A Constraint-based Analysis of Syllabification in Spanish, Catalan, and Galician. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois, Urbana.


VI. References

  • Colomina, Jordi (1985): L'alacantí. Un estudi sobre la variació lingüística. Alacant: Institutd'Estudis «Juan Gil-Albert», Diputació Provincial d'Alacant.

  • Crosswhite, Katherine (1999): Vowel reduction in Optimality Theory. Ph.D. dissertation, UCLA. Published in London / New York: Routledge, 2001.

  • DeCesaris, Janet A. (1987): «Epenthesis in Catalan». In: Carol Neidle & Rafael A. Núñez(ed.) Studies in Romance Languages: Proceedings if the 15th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages. Dordrecht: Foris, 79-92.

  • Garcia, Josepa & VicentBeltran (1994): El parlar de Pedreguer. Pedreguer: Ajuntament de Pedreguer, Institutd’EstudisComarcals de la Marina Alta.

  • Jiménez, Jesús (1997): L’estructura siŀlàbica del dialecte valencià. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat de València.

  • Jiménez, Jesús (1999): L’estructura siŀlàbica del català. València, Barcelona: IIFV, Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat.

  • Jiménez, Jesús & Maria-RosaLloret (2013): «Vocalic adjustments under positional markedness in Catalan and other Romance languages». In: Victoria Camacho-Taboada; Ángel L Jiménez-Fernández; Javier Martín-González & Mariano Reyes-Tejedor (ed.) InformationStructure and Agreement. (LinguistikAktuell/LinguisticsToday, 197). Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 319-336.


VI. References

  • Jiménez, Jesús & Júlia Todolí(1995): «La forma dels pronoms clítics catalans: condicions sil·làbiques i alineament morfològic». In: Carlos Martín Vide (ed.) Actes del XIè Congrés de Llenguatges Naturals i Llenguatges Formals. Barcelona: Promociones y PublicacionesUniversitarias, 429-437.

  • Lloret, Maria-Rosa & Jesús Jiménez (1998): «Marcatge posicional i prominència en el vocalismeàton». Caplletra 45: 55-91. Lloret, Maria-Rosa & Joaquim Viaplana (1996): «Els clítics pronominals singulars del català oriental: una aproximació interdialectal». Estudis de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes XXXII: 273-309.

  • Mascaró, Joan (1986): Morfologia. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana.

  • Morales, Alfonso & Pilar Prieto (1992): «Processosd'epèntesi en grups de clítics en tortosí». In: Actesdel SisèCol·loquid'EstudisCatalans a Nord-Amèrica (Vancouver, 1990). Barcelona: Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat, 131-142.

  • Palmada, Blanca (1994): La fonologia del català. Els principis actius i la variació. Bellaterra: Publicacions de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.

  • Palmada, Blanca & Pep Serra (1995): La sil·labificació òptima del clítics. Treball presentat al I Col·loqui de Fonologia Catalana, S’Agaró (Girona).


VI. References

  • Serra, Pep (1996): La fonologia prosòdica del català. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat de Girona.

  • Todolí, Júlia (1988): Estat actual de la combinació binària de pronoms febles al País Valencià. Master’sThesis, Universitat de València.

  • Todolí, Júlia (1992): «Variants dels pronoms febles de 3a persona al País Valencià: regles fonosintàctiques i morfològiques». ZeitschriftfürKatalanistik 5: 137-160.

  • Todolí, Júlia (1994): «Els clítics pronominals de 3a persona a les comarques d'Alacant: interferència lingüística del castellà?». Actes del IXè Col·loqui Internacional de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes, vol. 3. Barcelona: Publicacions de l'Abadia de Montserrat, 197-209.

  • Viaplana, Joaquim (1980): «Algunes consideracions sobre les formes pronominals del barceloní». Anuario de Filología 6: 459-483.

  • Wheeler, Max (1979): Phonology of Catalan. Oxford: Blackwell.

  • Wheeler, Max (2005): The Phonology of Catalan. Oxford: Oxford University Press.


Thank you for your attention

Jesús Jiménez(jesus.jimenez@uv.es)

Presentation soon available at:

http://www.ub.edu/GEVAD/

Research funded by the Spanish MINECO and the FEDER

(FFI2010-22181-C03-02) and bythe Generalitat de Catalunya (2009SGR521)

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