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社會階層化理論

社會階層化理論. 古典理論. 最早的人類議題之一. 從有文字歷史以來(人類開始用文字紀錄自己的情境),不平等及社會區隔就一直是歷史的重要關懷。 以色列的先知

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社會階層化理論

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  1. 社會階層化理論 古典理論

  2. 最早的人類議題之一 • 從有文字歷史以來(人類開始用文字紀錄自己的情境),不平等及社會區隔就一直是歷史的重要關懷。 • 以色列的先知 • Aristotle:"It is thus clear that there are by nature free men and slaves, and that servitude is agreeable and just for the latter. . . . Equally, the relation of the male to the female is by nature such that one is superior and the other is dominated. . . ."

  3. 近代理論的誕生 • Age of Enlightenment: Locke, Rousseau, and Montesquieu. • After revolution: Bonald, Maistre, and Saint-Simon • with these earlier philosophers, the nature of human inequalities provided the central question for the new science called sociology.

  4. 本章目的 • We will examine themajor assumptions behind these theories, as well as show the roots of major contemporary theories of social stratification

  5. COMPETING PARADIGMS IN THE STUDYOF SOCIAL STRATIFICATION • Scientists must, to some degree, work from a set of pre-scientific and untested assumptions about the phenomena under study.

  6. 典範及典範預設 • As Albert Einstein put it, "For the creation of a theory the mere collection of recorded phenomena never suffice--there must always be added a free invention of the human mind that attacks the heart of the matter" • Einstein went further by rejecting the idea that "facts by themselves can and should yield scientific knowledge without the free conceptual construction".

  7. 典範及典範預設 • We can call the general images of reality (which shape more specific theories) paradigms, and the assumptions about reality within paradigms can be called paradigm assumptions.

  8. two points of caution • 1. Although we will see that values and politically related assumptions at times have shaped or influenced theories of social stratification, we do not find only political debates in the study of social stratification. • There is a reality out there, however complexand many-sided it may be, that these theories are struggling to understand. Just asthe physical scientist must attempt to understand his or her subject matter by makingcertain untested or even untestable assumptions, so must the social scientist.

  9. two points of caution • The struggle to understand socialphenomena such as inequality is not only a scientific endeavor; it also has a basis inclass or group interests. The advantaged classes, and especially elites, have had (andcontinue to have) an interest in shaping the understanding of social stratification sothat this understanding does not threaten their interests in the status quo.

  10. two points of caution • Becausethe upperclasses have usually had the means to make their view of social phenomenathe accepted view (because of their free time to speculate and write, because of theirinfluence over religion and education, and because of their ability to reward or punishsocial thinkers), the upper-class view of inequality has usually (although by no meansalways) been the dominant view.

  11. two points of caution • 2. We cannot ask whether a paradigm is right or wrong, true or false. Rather, we must ask whether a paradigm is useful or less useful in answering specific questions about the subject matter.

  12. two points of caution • Allof the paradigms and general theories outlined in the following lead us to some important insights about the nature of social stratification. • But, depending on the questions asked, some may be more useful than others. • If in the study of social stratification we are most concerned with the question of who gets what, and why, it is increasingly recognized in sociology that some type of conflict theory will be able to supply the most useful answers.

  13. Typology of stratification paradigms • Our typology of stratification paradigms is constructed by combining two divergent sets of paradigm assumptions: • Model assumptions (functional vs. conflict) • Value assumptions (conservative vs. radical)

  14. Two main macrolevel generaltheories or paradigms • functional and conflicttheories of society: • They are both attempts at answering the most basic question in sociology-How is society possible? How is it that most people obey the rules most of the time? How is it that we canhave orderly interaction without perpetual disruptive conflict between differing interest groups?

  15. Three model assumptions – (1) • (1) Functional theorists maintain that society is held together primarily by a general consensus over the major values and norms in the society. • People tend to obey the rules because through a long socialization process they have come to accept these rules.

  16. Three model assumptions – (1) • Conflict theorists maintain that society is held together in the face of conflicting interests because either • (a) one group in the society has the power to enforce the rules (and thus make subordinate groups follow rules that may primarily serve the interests of the superordinate group) or • (b) there are so many overlapping and divided interest groups that individuals or groups must learn to cooperate.

  17. Three model assumptions – (2) • Functional theorists tend focus more on societies as holistic systems (much like biological organism), • Conflict theorists tend to focus on parts and processes within what we call societies.

  18. Three model assumptions – (3) • Functional theorists tend to view societies as social system with specific needs of their own that must be met if the societies are to function properly, and thus survive. • Conflict theorists view societies as settings within which various groups with differing interests interact and compete.

  19. The two competing models • 以上典範預設代表對於研究對象(社會)的不同意象,無所謂對錯,但在回答特定問題時,可能某種觀點較有幫助。

  20. Model assumptions

  21. Value assumptions on social stratification

  22. A Typology of Stratification Paradigms 缺席

  23. Uncritical-order paradigm • 不平等是歷史的必然,因為 • (1) 人性本是自私的 • (2) 社會系統需要不平等來「滿足」其基本需求。

  24. Uncritical-order paradigm • 不平等可以提供誘,因讓社會按照才能來安排適當位置。 • 由於人性是自私的,不能信任的,因此社會需要一些抑制機制(restraining mechanism)來控制人類自私的天性。 • 抑制機制:透過社會化及正當化的過程來維繫社會價值及規範的一致看法(consensus)。 • 這些價值規範合理化不平等的存在,使受不合理待遇者不至於威脅社會系統。

  25. Uncritical-order paradigm • this paradigm tend to view the task of social science as that of making a value-free analysis of society, rather than of attempting to understand how societies can be changed for the better. • However, there is a tendency to be at least relatively supportive of the status quo.

  26. Uncritical-conflict paradigm • 相同假設: • Distrust of human nature • inequalities are inevitable • 相異點: • because society is assumed to be a setting for conflicting interests, it is the power of one group over others that maintains social order.

  27. Uncritical-conflict paradigm • Given the view of human nature inherent in this paradigm, when one group is able to achieve a dominant position in the society, this group will tend to use that position to serve selfish interests.

  28. Uncritical-conflict paradigm • task of social science as that of making a value-free analysis of society in order to uncover basic social laws, rather than of attempting to promote social change. From their perspective, a society without some form of class conflict is viewed as impossible, and a more equal or just society is rejected.

  29. Critical-conflict paradigm • A powerful group is usually able to coerce or manipulate subordinate classes (through force, threat of force, withholding of jobs, or other means) because of the dominant group's influence over basic institutions in the society (such as the economy, government, courts, and police).

  30. Critical-conflict paradigm • Theorists from an uncritical-conflict paradigm are more accepting of these conditions, not necessarily because they are unsympathetic toward the lower class but because, given their assumptions about human nature and the inevitability of inequalities, they do not foresee that more just and equitable societies are possible.

  31. Critical-conflict paradigm • Critical-conflict theorists are more optimistic. • Because they view human nature as more altruistic, cooperative, and unselfish, or perhaps simply more flexible (meaning that human beings can be either selfish or unselfish, depending on factors outside themselves), they believe that more equal and humane societies arepossible.

  32. Critical-conflict paradigm • Uncritical-conflict theorists are distrustful of human nature, whereas critical conflict theorists are distrustful of restraining social institutions.

  33. Critical-conflict paradigm • According to them, the historical development of present social institutions shapes human behavior in such a way as to lead to exploitation by the powerful. In other words, the role people must play under a particular set of social institutions requires the exploitation. If this historical stage of social development is altered, the new set of social institutions can lead to basically different social relations.

  34. Critical-conflict paradigm • Critical-conflict theorists are, as the label implies, more critical of the status quo. • the task of social science is to understand present society in order to be able to alter it. • Their work is often more historically oriented than that of other theorists. They believe that by examining the historical progression or evaluation of human societies we can better understand how we arrived at our presentpredicament, and, thus, how we can change the status quo.

  35. 以上這些typology是化約的表達方式。沒有理論可以絕對的置於任何位置。以上這些typology是化約的表達方式。沒有理論可以絕對的置於任何位置。 • 兩個面向可以視為是連續的向度,每個理論僅在程度上有差異。

  36. 社會階層化理論 古典理論-馬克思

  37. 馬克斯對社會階層化的貢獻:批判衝突典範的發展馬克斯對社會階層化的貢獻:批判衝突典範的發展 • 柏林圍牆倒塌象徵馬克斯思想的崩盤? • 馬克斯理論與東歐蘇聯的政策不可劃上等號。 • 蘇聯的瓦解反而使馬克斯思想從馬克斯政權的意識型態解釋中解放出來。

  38. 馬克斯對社會階層化的貢獻:批判衝突典範的發展馬克斯對社會階層化的貢獻:批判衝突典範的發展 • The seeds for both conflict and functional theories were contained in Saint-Simon's works. • Durkheim was a principal figure who transferred Saint-Simon's ideas into Western academic sociology in the form of an uncritical-order paradigm. • But it was Marx who transferred these ideas into a critical-conflict paradigm.

  39. 馬克斯思想的model assumptions • At the base of human societies he saw class conflict and domination. • Marx's perspective was one of dynamics and change, in contrast to the static and holistic perspective of early functionalists such as Durkheim. • In Marx's view, social order exists because one class (the dominant class) is favored by a specific stage of economic developmentand is, thus, able to maintain social order through its power over the lower classes.

  40. 馬克斯思想的value assumptions • The tasks of social science as not only to understand society but also to change it. He was critical of existing inequalities, conflicts, and exploitation, and he believed these conditions could, or more strongly would, be changed. • He saw the root of these conditions of inequality and exploitation in social structures that had been, and would continue to be, subject to change. These conditions were not explained by "selfish human nature": "

  41. 馬克思的生平與思想 • Born in 1818. • Phd., Universities of Bonn and Berlin, 1841. • could not find employment in academia, become a journalist. • Life in London in desperate poverty, reading and writing in British Museum.

  42. 馬克斯思想的value assumptions • 馬克斯思想長期被簡化及誤解,與其同時扮演political activist及 Social scientist雙重角色有關。 • 為了要使大眾瞭解他的思想,馬克斯的政論性著作經常都用簡化的方式來呈現他複雜的思想。 • 早期的英文翻譯以馬克斯的政論性著作較多,嚴謹的學術論述很少人讀。 • 直到1953《政治經濟學批判大綱》(Grundrisse)的德文版出版,及1971年部分英文翻印問世,馬克斯的思想才受到正確的對待。我們才真正開始瞭解馬克斯。

  43. 馬克斯理論的基本架構 • Max believed that to understand human societies the theorist must begin with the materialconditions of human subsistence, or the economics of producing the necessities of life.

  44. “The first premise of all human history is, of course, the existence of living human beings. Thus the first fact to be established is the physical organization of these individuals and their consequent relation to the rest of nature . . . • Man can be-distinguished from animals by consciousness, by religion or anything else you like. They themselves begin to distinguish themselves from animals as soon as they begin to produce their means of subsistence, a step which is conditioned by their physical organizations.”

  45. “By producing their means of subsistence men are indirectly producing their actual material life. The way in which men produce their means of subsistence depends first of all on the nature of the actual means of subsistence they find in existence and have to produce. . . . The nature of individuals thus depends on the material conditions determining their production.”

  46. 馬克斯理論的基本架構 • Historical materialisml歷史惟物論:生產的物質條件的歷史演進為理解人類社會的首要關鍵。 to understand human societies most fully, the key is the historical progression or development of these material conditionsof production. • 政治組織與思想、宗教、家庭結構等其他社會制度皆受到社會的經濟基礎與生產方式的型塑。 • 這一觀點與Weber有很大的差異:Weber認為文化因素與經濟因素同等重要。

  47. 馬克斯理論的基本架構 • 惟物與決定論僅在政論性的論述中色彩較為強烈,在馬克斯其他的著作中,思想與物質的關係沒有如此簡單的單向關係。 • Marx clearly recognized that ideas or other aspects of the superstructure can at times be of independent importance in shaping the nature of human societies.

  48. Superstructure上層建構(宗教、政治、意識型態)Superstructure上層建構(宗教、政治、意識型態) 例如:封建社會與農業社會中不易產生民主政治、個人主義的價值思想、核心家庭觀念 the superstructure is shaped (but not completely determined) by the substructure Substructure下層建構(生產方式及生產關係)

  49. Substructure下層建構 Mode of production Means of production: the type of technology used to produce goods Relations of production : the human relationships within a given means of production.

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