MORPHOLOGY The study of shapes

1. MORPHOLOGY Thestudy of shapes Morpheme: Abstraction of thevarioustypes of morphs Smallestunit of a languagethatconveysomekind of information

2. Theconcept of plural in English • -s in cat/ cats • -z in dog/ dogs • -es in dish/ dishes • -en in ox/ oxen • Zeromorph in sheep/ sheep • Vowelchange in foot/ feet • Conveythesameinformationwhichalsohappens in allomorphs

3. Boundandfreemorphemes • Freemorpheme: standsalone as itsownword • Boundmorpheme: needssomekind of hosttoattachto • He willgohometomorrow -> onlyfreemorphemes • Theoxenpulledthechart-> 2 boundmorphemes in oxen /–en/ andpulled /-ed/

4. Rootandstem • Root: thesmallestunitwithanysemanticcontent Unhappiness -> happy Perfectly -> perfect • Stem: - basefor an inflectedword form - can consistminimally of a root but mayalso a modification of theroot in someways

5. Example 1: thestemhorsehair is a compound of tworoots: horse + hair Thisstem can memodifiedforpluralto form: horsehairs • Example 2:ifweadd –er totherootteachwegetthestemteacher

6. Lexeme Therootandstemcarrylexemicinformation which is thebasicsemanticinformation of the word. Example: -Thelexeme of work, works, worked, working is WORK -Thelexeme of hair, hairs is HAIR -Thelexeme of horsehairandhorsehairs is HORSEHAIR

7. Affix • An obligatorilyboundmorphemewhichdoes not carryanylexemicinformation • Affixes can be derivationalorinflectional • Derivationalaffixescreatenewwordslike un- and –ness in unhappiness • İnflectionalaffixescarrygrammaticalinformationsuch as plural –s orthepast tense –ed and do not changethemeaning of theword

8. 4 types of affixes • Prefix: attachestothebeginning of a hostword • Derivationalprefix; un- in unhappy • İnflectionalprefix: thelanguageLogbaokpe – inashinao-kpe – i-nashina 3sg-know CM-everybody‘He knowseverybody’

9. Suffix: attachestotheend of thehostword • Derivationalsuffix: -ness in happiness • İnflectionalsuffix: past tense –ed • İnfix: placesitself inside a morpheme, usually a rootorstem • Derivationalinfixareused in thelanguageLetiwherethenominalizationsarederivedfromtheverbthroughtheinfix –ni- • Kakri ‘tocry’ -> kniakri ‘act of crying’pali ‘tofloat’ -> pniali ‘act of floating’

10. İnflectionalinfix can be found in Maranaowhere –i- is usedto mark thepast tense • Tabasan ‘slash’ -> Tiabasan ‘slashed’ • Circumfix: at leasttwotypes of affixationhavetooccur at thebeginningand at theend of thehost at thesame time. • İnflectionalcircumfix can be found in German: pastparticiplewhichcombines of theprefixge- andthesuffix –t • Example: lieben ‘tolove’ -> geliebt‘had loved’

11. We can findderivationalcircumfix in Indonesianke- … -an whichderivesabstractnouns • Example: kebebasan ‘freedom’ fromtheadjectivebebas ‘free’ • Parafix: has twoaffixeswhich do not havetooccur at specificplaceslike in circumfix • Forexample in thelanguageLeti: thenominalizationsarederivedwith i- + -i- • natu ‘tosend’ -> iniatu ‘act of sending’

12. Clitics • Differencebetweencliticsandaffixes is thatwhilebotharephonologicallydependent on a host, a clitic is syntacticallyindependentfromitshostwhile an affix is not • Thismeansthataffixes can onlyattachtothekind of hoststhatmatchtheircategory. Forexampletheverbalaffix –ed can onlyattachtoverbs. Andpluralaffixes can onlyattachtonounsandso on. • Clitics not restrictedtothekind of categorytheymatchto.

13. 4 types of clitics • Proclitic: attachestothebeginning of thehost • Frenchpronounsmayattachprotoclitically: • J’attends -> 1sg=wait.PRES -> I’mwaiting • Enclitic(alsocalledpostclitic) attaches at theend of thehost • Italianpronounsmayattachenclitically: E venutoperparl-ar=mi 3SG.is come.PFCT to talk-INF=1SG.O ‘He has cometo talk tome’

14. Mesoclitic: attachesitselfbetweenthehostandtheinflectionalaffixes. Veryrareseen but can be found in EuropeanPortuguese: Pedirlheia Pedir=lhe=ia Ask.INF=3SG.M=1SG.COND • Endoclitic:extremelyrarebecause it takesplace inside therootorstem • Udi andPashtoaretheonlytwolanguageswhichhaveendoclitics

15. Morphologicaltypology Languageshavebeenclassifiedalong a linearscalewithisolatinglanguageson oneend, fusionallanguageson theotherandagglutinatinglanguagesin themiddle; adding a fourthcategory is introflexive.

16. İsolating>agglutinative> fusional> introflexive Mandarin Turkish Latin Arabic Chinese is an isolatinglanguage. Turkish is an agglutinatinglanguage.

17. Linear scale merges three different parameters,fusion, exponenceand flexion. Thefourthparameter is synthesiswhichhas to do with how much grammatical information a word may carry.

18. Fusionstates the degree to which morphological markers attach to a host stem. Therearethreetypes of fusion: İsolatingis an independentword, a marker stands alone as a free morpheme. Markers that are boundare concatenative.Theyhave to attach to a host. Markers that involve modifying the hostin some way are non-linear.

19. Languages may employ any and all of the types of fusion. English has isolating markers ( the modal ‘must’ in He must be home by now) concatenativemarkers ( plural -s in tree (SG) versus trees (PL)) non-linear markers (theablaut in sing – sang – sung).

20. Isolatingmarkers Most languages have at least some markers that stand in phonological isolation andthus function as individual words. An example in English would be the modal must,as in He must be in his office. There are languages where all or almost allgrammatical information is conveyed though isolating markers.

21. KoyraChiini: aywookaa wor o guna 1SG.S DEM. REL. 2PL.S IPF see ‘I here whom you (PL) see.’ All grammatical information is expressed as individual words, even the tense of the verb (the imperfect marker o).

22. Concatenative (linear) markers Concatenative means ‘chaining together’. Apart from the fact thatthey are bound, they chain together in linear strings, which means that theyare segmentable. A language with concatenativeconstructions isChichewa, where the various markers attach linearly to the stems.

23. Chichewa mlenjemmôdzianabwérándímíkôndo m-lenje m-môdzi a-na-bwérándímí-kôndo I-hunter ı.sm-one ı.sm-past-come with ıv-spears ‘One hunter came with spears.’ The grammatical markers for noun class (ı m/a and ıv mi) and past tense (na)are bound and are relatively straightforward to segment into morphemes.

24. Non-linearmarkers Non-linear markers involve some kind of modificationto the host stem and are not straightforward to segment into chains of morphemes. Languages modify their stems non-linearly. A root consists only of a set of consonants and grammatical information is conveyed through insertion ofa pattern of vowels, commonly termed the “root-and-pattern” but it is alsotermedablaut. Neither the root nor the vowelpattern can function on its own. Modern Hebrew is a language with such a pattern;

25. Hebrew, Modern (Afro-Asiatic (Semitic): Israel) g-d-r ‘enclose’ past: a-a (CaCaC): gadar ‘enclosed’ present: o-e (CoCeC): goder ‘encloses’ future:yi-Ø-o (yiCCoC): yigdor‘will enclose’ imperative: Ø-o (CCoC): gdor ‘enclose!’ infinitive: li-Ø-o (liCCoC): ligdor ‘toenclose’

26. Another example of ablaut (also called gradation or vowel gradation) is found inthe strong verbs in Germanic languages, where inflection is marked through changesin the root vowel quality, as in English sing – sang – sung (present – past – past participle). Suprasegmentals (or prosodic formatives), involving tone, stress and length, are another type of non-linear morphological processes. Toneis a well-known morphological strategy, An example of a language with grammatical tone is Lango.

27. Lango (Nilo-Saharan (Nilotic): Uganda) a- àpônnê b- ápònnê 1SG.hide.PFV.MID 1SG.hide.PROG.MID ‘I hidemyself.’ ‘I amhidingmyself.’

28. Replacement or substitutionis a regular marker andreplaces a part of the stem. Another type of replacement is suppletion, where a root or stem is replaced by a root or stem of a different etymological origin.

29. A rare type of non-linear process is subtraction, where the grammatical informationlies in taking out an element of the stem.

30. Reduplication Reduplicationfallsconsomewhere in betweenconcatenationandnon – linearprocess. Itinvolvescopying a set amount of phonologicalmaterialfrom a base form (rootorstem) andfusing it withthatbaseto form a stemontowhichothermorphemesmaythen be added. It’slesslinearthanconcatenativemorphemes in thatthe form of thereduplicant (therepeated element) is dependent on the form of thebase, since it is a part of thebasethat is beingrepeated.

31. Reduplication can be eitherfullorpartial, andwhilethereduplicantusuallyattachesimmediatelytotheroot it has itsshapefrom, therearealsolanguageswithsocalleddiscontinuousreduplication, whereothermorphologicalmaterialmayappearbetweenthereduplicantandthebase. • Also, reduplication can be simpleorcomplex. • Insimplereduplicationmerelyrepeats a givenamount of materialfromthebase. • Complexreduplicationinvolvestakingmaterialfromthebaseandpartlyaltering it.

32. i • Fullreduplicationinvolvescopyingthewholebase. Mostlanguagesallowbothfullandpartialreduplication. • InRubino’sdatabaseshowsonly 35 languageswhichareallowfullreduplication. Here is an example of a languagewithfullsimplereduplication is Erromangan, wherereduplicationindicatesintensification.

33. Erromangan (Austronesian (Oceanic): Vanuatu /unmeh/ “early” >> /unmehunmeh/ “veryearly” /ilar/ “shine” >> /ilarilar/ “shinebrightly” (Crowley 1998:34) • An example of a fullcomplexreduplication can be found in Persian, wherethereduplicated form changestheinitialconsonanttoeither /m/ or /p/ of copied element. Thereduplicated form takes a meaning of whatwemightcall “scatteredgenerality”, mostcloselyequivalenttoEnglish ‘andsoforth’.

34. Persian ( Indo – European (Iranian): Iran) bâlâ“ above” >> bâlâmala “somewhereabove” mive “fruit” >> mivepive “fruitandso on” (Ghaniabadi et al. 2006:3) • Partialreduplicationinvolvescopyingonly a set part of thebaseandmayinvolve a number of differentforms. It can be a set of phonemes (C,CV,CVCV, andso on) , a set of syllabesor a set of morae (the minimal unit of metricalweight) that is copied. (Rubino, 2011)

35. InThaotheinstrumental is expressedbyCa- reduplication, whichmeansthatthefirstconsonant of thebase is copiedand -a- is added (alsocalledduplifix, Haspelmath 2002:24): Thao (Austronesian (Paiwanic): Taiwan) cput“tofilter” >> cacput“sieve” >> c - a - cput • An example of a partialcomplexreduplication can be found in Nakanai; velo “bubbling” >> velelo “bubblingforth” ve - le - lo

36. Automaticreduplication is when an affixobligatorilytriggersreduplication but thereduplicationitselfdoes not addanymeaningtotheconstruction. An example of an automaticreduplication can be founalso in Tagalog; Tagalog (Austronesian (Meso – Philippine): Philippines: wilih“interested” >> kawilihwilih “interested” ka – wilih – wilih (French 1998:50)

37. As it is mentionedabove, thereduplicantmight be seperatedfromthebasebysomeparticle. An example of such a discontinuousreduplication can be found in the Manila Bay Creoles, which is a covertermforTernateno, Caviteno, andErmiteno, wherethelinker - ng - sitsbetweenthereduplicantandthebase. Manila Bay Creoles (Creole (Spanish – lexified): Philippines) Bunita “beautiful” >> bunitangbunita “verybeautiful” bunita – ng– bunita (Grant 2003:205)

38. Alltheseexamplesimpliesthatpidgingsandcreoles do not seemtobehavedifferentlyfromnon – creolelanguages in terms of employingthemorphologicalprocess of reduplication.

39. In Turkish, the process of emphatic reduplication, the purpose of which is to accentuate the quality of • an adjective, involves the copying of the initial (C)V of the base and then prefixing it, along with an • additional affixal consonant from the set /p, s, m, r/, to the base, as seen in (1). In some cases, the • emphatic (C)VC prefix is also followed by –A, –Il, or –Am, as seen in (2). Cases such as those in (2) are • considered idiosyncratic and are not the result of a productive phonological process (Göksel and Kerslake • 2005).

40. (1) güzel ‘pretty’ güpgüzel ‘verypretty’ uzun ‘long’ upuzun ‘verylong’ katı ‘hard’ kaskatı ‘hard as a rock’ siyah ‘black’ simsiyah ‘pitchblack’ temiz ‘clean’ tertemiz ‘clean as a pin’ (2) gündüz ‘daytime/byday’ güpegündüz ‘in broaddaylight’ yalnız ‘alone’ yapayalnız ‘allalone’ çıplak ‘naked’ çırılçıplak ‘starknaked’ parka ‘piece’ paramparça ‘torntoshreds/smashedtopieces’

41. Doublingoccurs in twoways: simpledoublinganddoubling in lexicalformations. Insimpledoubling, theword is repeated. Depending on thesyntacticcategory of thetargetedlexeme, it can producesadverbials, adjectivalsandmeasueterms (Göksel & Kerslake 2005). • tek tek zaman zaman one DUP time DUP “onebyone” “time to time”

42. Someadditionalmorphemes, such as pluralsuffixandthequestionparticle, areattachedtothesisterconctituentsorone of theconstituentsundergoesphoneticchangesfordoubling in lexicalformations • güzel-lergüzel-ibirkız beautiful-PLU beautiful-POSS a girl ‘a very beautiful girl • güzel mi güzelbirkız beautiful QP beautiful a girl ‘a very beautiful girl’ • ufak tefek bir kutu little fi(little) a box ‘a tinybox’

43. Examples: • WithSynoynms; güçlü kuvvetli, ses seda, sağlık sıhhat, evirmek çevirmek etc. • Withnearlythesamemeanings; eş dost, doğru dürüst, ağrı sızı, sağ salim etc. • Withantonyms; iyi kötü, aşağı, yukarı, irili ufaklı, acı tatlı etc. • Withmeaninglesswords; abuk subuk, abur cubur, eciş bücüş, apar topar etc. • WithOnomatopoeiawords; tıkır tıkır, şırıl şırıl, horul horul, vızır vızır etc.

44. EXPONENCE Languagesalsodiffer as tohowmanygrammaticalcategoriesmay be expressedbyoneandthesamemorpheme. Seperativemorphemes(ormonoexponential) morphemesencodeonlyonesinglecategory, cumulative (polyexponential, alsocalledportmanteau) morphemesencodeseveralthings at thesame time. Thisparametermayinteractwithfusion, sothatwegetsixlogicallogicalcombinations: isolating, concatenative, andnon-linearseperativemarkersplusisolating, concatenative, andnon-linearcumultativemarkers. Here is a listforlanguageswithexamples of each of thesixlogicaltypes of processes. Kasong: isolatingseperative Meithei: concatenativeseperative Dinka: non-linearseperative

45. Wari: isolatingcumulative Spanish: concatenativecumulative Hebrew: non-linearcumulative ForKasonglanguage, each of themarkers is a freemorpheme. Theyareisolating , andeach of themconveysonlyonepiece of information, themarkersareseperative: Kasong nakkamlaŋloŋce:w prǐ 3.SG PROG. FUT. goforest ‘s/he will be goingtotheforest.’ Meithei(Sino-Tibean (Kuki-Chin): India) offers an example of concatenativeseperativemarkers. Themarkersfuseconcatenativelywith a hoststem; theyarelinearlysegmentableandeach of thesegments in thateachconveysonly onepiece of information.

46. Meithei ǝynǝthǝŋǝmǝnǝhǝydukháy ǝy-nǝthǝn ǝ-mǝ-nǝhǝy-tu kháy-i 1.SG-CNTR knife ATT-one-INST fruit-DDET cut-NHYP ‘ I cutthefruitwith a knife.’ (Chelliah 1997:128) Dinkalanguage has non-linearseperativeprocess, wheretheabsoluteandlocativecasesaredistinguishedonlythroughphonologicallength. The marker conveysonlytheinformation of case, and is as suchseperative, but it is not possibletosegmentfromthehostword, and is thereforenon-linear. Dinka tôoctôooc ‘swampy.area.ABSOLUTIVE ----‘swampy.area.LOCATIVE’ (ANDERSEN 2002: 13) Wari is an example a languagewithisolatingmarkers, that is themorpheme form seperatewords. However, theyarecumulative in thattheycontainmorethanonepiece of grammaticalinformation, andthisinformation is not possibletosegmentintosmallerunits.

47. Wari ma’ cotomina that.PROX.HEARERINFL.M/FRP/Pspeak3SG.RP/P.VIC ‘ Who is speaking? ’ (Everett 1998: 692) Spanish also makes use of cumulative markers that fuse concatenativelyontothestem, whichgives us a concatenativecumulativemorphologicalprocess. Spanish habl-ó speak-3sg.past.ind.pfv ‘He spoke.’(source: personal knowledge) In Hebrew has a non-linear cumulative process. Itmeansa similar amount ofinformation is expressed throughonly one single process, but the processinvolves modifying the root itself and is thusnon-linear.

48. Modern Hebrew g-d-r ‘enclose’ futureactiveindicative: yigdor ‘willenclose’ futurepassiveindicative: yigader ‘will be enclosed’ (Glinert 1989: 471) the way the stem is modified conveys more than one piece ofinformation: the tense, the voice, and the mood. However, this grammatical information is notsegmentable: if you want to change any of the grammatical information, for instance from active voice to passive youhave to modify the root to an entirely different stem.

49. FLEXIVITY Languagesalso differ in how much allomorphy they have, termed flexitivity inBickel & Nichols (2007).TheIndo-European declension and conjugation classes areexamples of flexitivity. That is where a set of infectional affixes are chosendepending onwhich class the noun or verb belongs to. On theotherhand, a given grammatical marker is always the same. Itdoes notvary according to classes of verbs or nouns, it is nonflexive. If a language has fivedifferent ways of marking the (nominative) plural, with -e, -er, (e)n -s, or –Ø,depending on which class the noun belongs to, we have an instance of flexitivity.Itexhibited in German. Ifthe plural is always marked the same way, as is the casewith Pichidέn (Yakpo 2009), we have an instance of nonflexitivity. This is a thirdandseperateparameterfromfusionandexponenceandmayinteractwiththem in variousways. Wehavefourlogicalcombinationswiththelanguagesexemplifyingtypesincluded.

50. FlexiveNonflexive Cumulative German Hawai‘i Creole English Separative WarlpiriPichi German is an example of flexivecumulativemorphemes. Because,the choice ofwhich allomorph to take dependson which declension class the noun belongstoflexitivityandthe markers express both number and case cumulative. An example of a nonflexive cumulative marker is theHawai’iCreoleEnglish. For example; wεn whichexpressesboth tense (past) andaspect (perfective) at the same time. It is cumulative. The plural marker in Pichiis an example of annonflexiveseperative marker because it is invariant as theplural marker nonflexiveand it meansonlypluralandnothing else (seperative). An example of a flexiveseparative marker can be found in Warlpiriwheretheergativecase is marked either with -ngku or with –rlu. It is flexive in that there are two alternative ways of marking ergative case, and it is separative in that it means only one thing (ergative).