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Lynette J. Menezes, Ph.D. Martha L. Coulter, Dr. P.H.

Does Rural Society Construct Marital Abuse Differently? Lived Experiences of Women in Central India. Lynette J. Menezes, Ph.D. Martha L. Coulter, Dr. P.H. Paper Presented at the 131 st Annual APHA meeting November 17, 2003. Presentation Outline. Literature review & theoretical framework

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Lynette J. Menezes, Ph.D. Martha L. Coulter, Dr. P.H.

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  1. Does Rural Society Construct Marital Abuse Differently? Lived Experiences of Women in Central India. Lynette J. Menezes, Ph.D. Martha L. Coulter, Dr. P.H. Paper Presented at the 131st Annual APHA meeting November 17, 2003

  2. Presentation Outline • Literature review & theoretical framework • Research questions • Methodology • Results • Interpretation & Discussion • Implications for research and practice

  3. Indian Nation • Located in the Asian continent • Demographics and background • population – 1.027 billion • ethnically diverse • low female to male ratio • low rates of female literacy • Health care unavailable to many

  4. Marital Abuse • Constructed as a private domestic matter • 25% to 43% of women victimized in lifetime • 28% to 69% of rural women • 5% to 22% report abuse during pregnancy • Dowry* related abuse is a serious issue • Public health implications

  5. Social Constructionism • Central premise • reality and the phenomena of life are socially constructed(Berger & Luckmann, 1966) • Recognizes: • multiple realities • participants’ definitions of a problem rather than experts • Applicable to most health problems

  6. Research Questions • To understand the process that leads to Indian women defining marital abuse during pregnancy and at other times: a) How do women evaluate their own experiences of abuse? b) How are women influenced by family members’ perceptions of marital abuse? c) What are the perceptions of community members regarding abuse and how do they influence women’s perception of marital abuse? d) What are the different forms of abuse that women identify?

  7. Research Design • Qualitative ethnographic design • Data collection tools • unstructured individual interviews • focus group interviews • Study site • Saoner Block located in Maharashtra, India

  8. Individual Interviews (N=43) * Pregnant women older than 25 without children were difficult to identify Pregnant women older than 30 could not be identified ** One additional woman who had never been pregnant and is not included in this matrix was interviewed. (N= 43)

  9. Study Sample • Demographics of women respondents • age: 18 – 42 years • education: Three-fourths had less than 9 years • three quarters had children • majority Hindus, a few Muslims • one-third employed • most lived in one to two-room dwellings • majority did not own a television

  10. Analysis & Interpretation • Transcription • interviews were transcribed verbatim • data entered into Ethnograph 5.0 • Analysis • item level - coding • pattern level • constituents or structures • Interpretation • re-reading of all patterns • drawing conclusions

  11. How do Rural Women Describe Abuse? • Most women described abuse as acts: • which cause immense difficulties or worries • which are wrong, bad, evil • which are physical in nature • The term atyachaar/zulm (violence) used by: • educated women and a few Muslim women • No categorization of acts • In-law abuse was also identified

  12. Explanations for Abuse • Husband’s problem drinking • collectively perceived as causative • viewed as changing men’s behavior • Insufficient dowry • perceived by women, some providers and women police • Personality traits of the husband • angry, moody, tense, suspicious • perceived by some participants from all groups

  13. Explanations for Abuse - 2 • Non-fulfillment of traditional roles • cooking, caring for family, fertility, male heirs • Provocative behavior of the in-laws • role as secondary aggressors

  14. Women’s Responses to Abuse • Immediate responses • argue back, keep quiet, visit natal family • Long-term responses • staying in a relationship • lack of social support & resources, children • family honor & belief in fate • leaving the relationship • strong social support • belief that husband will not change • hope of future reunification

  15. Construction of Abuse During Pregnancy • Perceptions of abuse during pregnancy • a serious issue • an additional ‘tension’ for the victim • only alcoholics beat pregnant women • neglect of pregnant women • Community perceptions • more likely to intervene • family support easily available

  16. Construction of Abuse at Other Times • Abuse viewed as a private domestic matter by community members • resulted in negative social support • likely to intervene if severe assault • Participants’ responses reflect similar sentiment • intervening equated to interfering

  17. Interpretation • Lack of a popular terminology to describe marital abuse • women frame it as wife-beating • Rural women’s lexicon for abuse is different from experts and activists • women evaluate abuse based on personal experiences • lack opportunity for new social interactions • findings raise methodological issues

  18. Interpretation - 2 • Explanations for abuse • need to deflect blame from husband • stereotype that abusive behavior is normal for alcoholics is dangerous for women • Marital abuse is dowry-related violence • lack of exposure to new social claims

  19. Interpretation - 3 • Non-fulfillment of traditional roles • similar to patriarchal views in other cultures • Responses to abuse • reduced social networks • adopt minimal strategies of resistance • belief in the permanency of marriage

  20. Interpretation - 4 • Abuse during pregnancy is more serious • motherhood valued • constructing pregnant victim as “vulnerable” • Abuse as a domestic matter • similar to early findings in the west and recent findings in other cultures • preservation of family unit

  21. Recommendations for Research & Practice • Implications for developing a screening tool • Explore how mothers-in-law define abuse • Explore men’s constructions • Dissemination of findings • One-stop center for legal and social services • Community-based prevention programs • women’s support groups

  22. Conclusions • Findings support theoretical framework • Unique native terminology • Implications for measurement of violence • Several collective explanations for abuse • Abuse as a private matter • implications for women’s responses • Address abuse during pregnancy • Need for prevention and intervention programs

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