Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo
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International Conference on Revisiting Japanese Modality. June 25, 2006 University of London, SOAS. Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo. Sumiyo Nishiguchi Stony Brook University [email protected] Abstract.

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Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

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International Conference on Revisiting Japanese Modality

June 25, 2006

University of London, SOAS

Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

Sumiyo Nishiguchi

Stony Brook University

[email protected]


Abstract

1.A focus marker mo `also/even’can associate with the whole proposition (Numata 2000) and appear discourse initially.

2.Mo triggers a set of stative propositions similar to the asserted one as presuppositions (cf. Shudo2002).

The hearer accommodates the informative presuppositions.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


3. This kind of mo is an evidential marker.

4.Mo is a modal morpheme of evidentiality as well as speaker's sentiments.

5. Mo takes unaccusative predicates.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


6. Mo is a determiner which takes presupposition in the restrictor and the unaccusative predicates in the nuclear scope.

7. Mo-p updates the information state.

8. The illocutionary force of mo-p is not only to report (cf. Faller 2002) but to prompt actions.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


1. Mo

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Mo1

  • Mo `also/even’ is a particle attached to noun phrases inJapanese.

  • Mo `also/even’ is a focus marker or a quantifier-like-element (Kuroda1969).

  • Mo1 `also’

    (1) Ken-mo ki-ta.

    Ken-alsocome-PAST

    `Ken came, too'

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Mo2

  • Mo obtains the meaning of `even' when the NP is focused(Watanabe 2004).

  • Mo2 `even’

    (2) [Ken]F-mo ki-ta.

    Ken-also come-PAST

    `Ken came, too'

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


  • The `even' mo forms NPIs with indeterminates (wh-words) (Kuroda 1965; Watanabe 2004; cf. Lahiri 1998):

    (3) Dare-mo ko-nai.

    who-even come-NEG

    `Nobody comes'

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


  • Mo with minimum quantity serves as a minimizer (Kato 1985):

    (4) Hito-ri-mo ko-nai.

    1-CL-even come-NEG

    `Nobody comes'

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


  • Japanese grammarians have considered mo polysemous (Sadanobu 1997):

    i) also; ii) even; and, iii) attenuation

    (Numata 1986) or admiration (Teramura 1991).

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Mo3

  • The meaning of the third mo is distinct from the other two, `also’ and `even’.

  • Mo can associate with the whole proposition (Numata 1986, Numata 2000).

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Wide Scope and Sentence Focus

(5) Yo-mo hukete-ki-ta.

night-also pass-come-PAST

Mo neru-to shi-yo.

already sleep-COMP do-will

`It’s late. I will go to bed'

(5)’ LF: mo [yo-<mo> huke-ta]

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


No Antecedent

  • This kind of mo does not need any antecedent, such as ``x has become late, and the night also grew late.''

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Sentence-Focus Structure (Lambrecht 2002)

(6) a. Sentence: My CAR broke down.

b. Presupposition: ___

c. Assertion: `speaker’s car broke down’

d. Focus domain: `speaker’s car broke down’

e. Focus: S

(Lambrecht 2002: 233)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Moreover, Discourse Initial

This sentence focus mo is used discourse initially:

(7) Haru-mo takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta

spring-also peak-GOAL become-HON-PAST

`The spring has reached its peak'

(Numata2000: 172)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


What is the meaning of mo?

  • Mo3 has its distinct meaning since replacing mo3 with ga (nominative case) or wa (topic marker) changes the meaning.

    (8)a. Haru-mo takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta

    spring-also peak-GOAL become-HON-PAST

    b. Haru-ga takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta.

    spring-NOM peak-LOC become-HON-PAST

    C. Haru-wa takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta.

    spring-TOP peak-LOC become-HON-PAST

    `The spring has reached its peak'

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Observations

  • Mo triggers presuppositions (section 2)

  • Mo expresses sentimentality (section 3)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


2. Presupposition Accommodation by Mo

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


  • Numata argues that (7) either:

    i) evokes other events relevant

    to change of seasons; or,

    ii) pretends the existence of

    antecedents in order to give rise to attenuating effect

    (Numata1986, Numata2000)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


What does mo presuppose?

  • The speaker presupposes prior situations

    e.g., cherry blossoms are blooming, the leaves became green, and the weather became warmer.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


(9) Yo-mo fukete-ki-ta. Mo neru-to shi-yo. night-also pass-ASP-PAST already sleep-COMP do-will

`It’s late. I will go to bed'

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


(10) Soto-mo hiete-ki-ta.

outside-also cold-ASP-PAST

`It has become cold outside'

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


(11)Ko-no saifu-mo furuku-nat-ta.

this-GEN wallet-also old-become-PAST

`This wallet has become old’

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


(12) Tabi-mo owari-ni chikazuite-ki-ta.

trip-also end-to approach-ASP-PAST

`The trip is nearing the end‘

(13) Omae-mo aho-ya-na.

you-also silly-be-EXC

`You are silly, I should say'

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


(14) Yo-mo sue-da.

world-also finale-be

`This is the end of the world’

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Mo is a presupposition trigger

(15) Mo {Yo-ga fuke-ta `it’s late’} ={It is dark, It is past midnight, The neighbors turned off their lights}

(16) Mo {Haru-ga takenawa-ni natta `spring reached its peak'} = {Cherry blossoms are blooming, It became warmer, The daylight has become longer,...}

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


(17) Mo {ko-no saifu-ga huruku-nat-ta}=

{It has been long since I got this, the wallet looks worn and torn,…}

(18) Mo {tabi-ga owari-ni chikazui-ta}=

{the train is approaching the destination, …}

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presuppositions of Mo

  • When uttering mo-p discourse initially:

    -Speaker acts as if presupposed preceding events are part of the common ground (cf. Stalnaker 1973, 1974)

    - Speaker presupposes that the auditor will be able to infer that it is presupposed.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition Accommodation

  • Lewis (1979)

    If a time t something is said that requires presupposition P to be acceptable, and if P is not presupposed just before t, ceteris paribus and within certain limits- presupposition P comes into existence at t.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


  • Mo-p triggers presupposition that are propositions similar to p.

    Eg.,Haru-mo takenawa-ni narimasita`Spring has reached its peak’

    presupposes

    Cherry blossoms are blooming, it became warmer,…

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


  • What does mo quantify over?

    - Mo quantifies over unspecified events.

    The presuppositions might differ between the hearer and the speaker.

    Japanese: cherry blossomsAmericans: longer daytime

    - Mo quantifies over evidences.

    - Mo quantifies over the near and similar possible worlds.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Comparative similarity (Lewis 1973)

SIMwis a function from propositions to propositions which maps each p to the set of p-worlds similar to w.

(19) SIMwp={w’∊p | w’is similar to w no less than any other world in p}

(20)≤⊆W×W, for w∊W,

u ≤wviff u is more similar to or close to w than v

(21) mo-p(w)=1iffu∊p, v∊W s.t. u ≤wv& q(v)=1

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


  • The addressee supplements the presupposed propositions into his knowledge (presupposition accommodation)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


  • The hearer has not been (at least fully) aware of the presupposed events until the speaker utters mo-p.

  • When hearing p, the addressee recognizes the evidence that the bag is torn or the spring has reached its peak.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Informative Presuppositions (Stalnaker 1988)

  • Normally, presuppositions are not informative.

  • However, the presuppositions of mo-p are informative.

  • Mo-p updates the common ground. The presuppositions of mo-p are added to the hearer’s knowledge.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Summary on Section 2: Presupposition Accommodation

  • Mo triggers unspecified presuppositions similar to the asserted proposition

  • The hearer infers the likely resuppositions.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


3. Mo is an evidential marker

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Mo is an Evidential Marker

  • Building on Numata's insight, I claim that this kind of mo is an evidential marker.

  • (7) is an utterance when speaker and

    hearer have perceived evidence that spring has reached its peak. [visual]

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


(7) Haru-mo takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta

spring-also peak-GOAL become-HON-PAST

`The spring has reached its peak'

(Numata2000: 172)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


What is evidentiality?

  • Evidentiality: the indication of speaker’s source of information

  • A true evidential encodes a type of information

  • Scales:

    i)Visual>auditory>other sensory>inference from results>reasoning

    ii) Direct>secondhand>thirdhand>hearsay/

    folklore

    (Faller 2002)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


(9) Yo-mo fukete-ki-ta. Mo neru-to shi-yo. night-also pass-ASP-PAST already sleep-COMP do-will

`It’s late. I will go to bed'

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


  • (9) would be uttered after the speaker had a look at a clock. [direct visual evidence]

  • (9) and (7) are reports based on direct evidence, aimed to draw hearer's attention to time or a season.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


(11)Ko-no saifu-mo huruku-nat-ta.

this-GEN wallet-also old-become-PAST

`This wallet has become old’

[visual direct evidence]

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


(12)Tabi-mo owari-ni chikazuite-ki-ta.

trip-mo end-to approach-ASP-PAST

`The trip is nearing the end’

[direct nonvisual evidence]

(13) Omae-mo aho-ya-na.

you-mo silly-be-EXC

`You are silly, I should say‘

[direct inferential evidence]

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


  • Then, mo is an evidential marker of

    direct, mostly visual evidences.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Evidential markers in Japanese

  • Aoki (1986)

    so: hearsay

    gar: hearsay and inferential form

    rashi: circumstantial evidence or gathered through sources other than one’s own senses

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Epistemic must

  • Speaker believes must p based on presently available evidence

    (cf. Coates 1983, Woisetschlaeger 1985, on epistemic must)

    (20) believe(speaker, must p)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Conversational Backgrounds

(21)Modal base f (in view of the direct evidences): must p

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


4. Sentimentality

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Sentimental/Bouletic Modality

  • Not only being evidential, mo is an expression of sentimental modality.

  • While (7) demonstrates speaker's uplifted sentiments, most of the evidential mo sentences express speaker's negative emotion.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


(11) Ko-no saifu-mo huruku-nat-ta.

this-GEN wallet-also old-become-PAST

`This wallet has become old’

[sentiments]

(9) Soto-mo hiete-ki-ta.

outside-mo cold-ASP-PAST

`It has become cold outside’

[negative]

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


(12) Tabi-mo owari-ni chikazuite-ki-ta.

trip-mo end-to approach-ASP-PAST

`The trip is nearing the end’

[sentiments, negative]

(13) Omae-mo aho-ya-na.

you-mo silly-be-EXC

`You are silly, I should say’

[sentiments]

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Ordering source (cf. Kratzer1991)

(22)Ordering source g (in view of what I want): For all u, w, w’∊W, for any g(u)⊆P(W):

w≤g(u)w’ iff

{p: p∊g(u) & w’∊p} ⊆{p:p∊g(u) and w ∊p}

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


(23)||mo-φ||(w) = 1 iff

for all u∊∩g(w) there is a v ∊∩g(w) such that v≤g(w)u and for all z ∊∩g(w) : if z≤g(w)v, then z∊||φ||.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


(24)

φ

g: ordering source – bouletic

MODAL f: modal base – evidential modal

(cf. Kratzer 1991; von Fintel and Iatridou 2005)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


5.Unaccusativity

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Unaccusativity

  • All predicates with wide scope mo are unaccusative.

    fukeru `become late’

    takenawa-ni naru`reach its peak’

    furuku naru`become old’

    owari-ni chikazuku`near the end’

    hiete kuru`become cold’

    aho-da`be silly’

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


No passive morpheme

(25)*Yo-ni fuke-rare-ta.

night-DAT grow late-PASS-PAST

(26) *Kono-kaban-ni furuku-nar-are-ta.

this-bag-DAT old-become-PASS-PAST

(27)*Tabi-ni owari-ni chikazuk-are-ta.

trip-DAT end-LOC near-PASS-PAST

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


6. Generalized Quantifier

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Restrictive Quantification

  • Bouletic and evidential modal is the lexical meaning of mo.

  • Wide scope mo functions as a determiner taking implicit presupposition in the

    restrictor and overt stative or resultative unaccusative predicates in the nuclear scope.

    (cf. Kratzer 1991; Berman 1991; von Fintel 1994)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


(28)TP

Mo P VP

Mo (MODALbouletic,evidential) presupposition

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


(29)TP

moP TP

moP T’

mo presupposition yo <mo>

VP T

<yo> huke ta

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


  • Mo takes the propositions similar to p in the restrictor.

  • Mo takes the set of possible worlds in which the presuppositions are true as a restrictor.

    (30)Mo (λw. SIMw(p))(λw. p(w))

    =1 if there is w such that SIMw(p)=1

    else 0.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Kuroda (1986)

  • Mo is in COMP in Deep Structure:

    (31) DS: Hanako-ga odor-ta shi mo

    Hanako-NOM dance-PAST and also

    Masao-ga odor-ta mo

    Masao-NOM dance-PAST also

    SS:Hanako-mo odot-ta-shi

    Hanako-also dance-PAST and

    Masao-mo odot-ta.

    Masao-also dance-also do-PAST

    `Hanako danced and Masao danced, too’

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


7. CCP

and

Information Updates

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Context Change Potential(development from Heim 1992)

(32) c+mo-p={(w,g) in c | p and Believe(s+h,must(Know(s+h,p))) is true at (w,g)}

if there is q which is similar to, but not equal to p which is true in c; otherwise, undefined,

where s is the speaker and h the hearer, g is the assignment function and for M=Believe or Know, M(a+b,p) is true at (w,g) iff for all u, w(RM,a U RM,b)* u implies that p is true at (u,g)

((Rx U Ry) is the union of Rx and Ry, and (Rx)* is the reflexive-transitive closure of Rx

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Information Update

  • Utterances with mo draws the hearer's attention to the fact which the hearer had not been so aware of, e.g., it’s late, or the spring reached its peak,

  • On the other hand, the sentence without mo is a statement of the fact and does not convey any new information. p resides within the common knowledge between the speaker and the hearer (cf. Gronedijk and Stokhof 1991; Veltman 1996).

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Mo-p adds `I believe that we must know that p’

(33) BELIEVE MUST KNOW (speaker and hearer, p)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


8. Illocutionary Force

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Speech Act Function of Mo

  • Faller 2006: The illocutionary force of Cusco Quechua reportative evidentials is report

  • The speech act functions of mo is to draw attention of the hearer to the evidenced fact that becomes a reason for the following sentence and prompt actions.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


(34) Kane-mo morae-nakat-ta-shi kaer-o.

money-also receive-NEG-PAST-so return-will

`Having been given no money, let us go home’

(35) Yo-mo huke-ta-kara ohiraki-ni shi-yo.

night-also pass-PAST-so finish-GOAL do-let’s

`It’s late. Let’s wrap up a party’

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


(33) REPORT(Π1 ) Λ BECAUSE(Π1, Π2)

In the framework of SDRT

(Asher and Lascarides 2003)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Conclusion

  • Mo is an evidence invoking marker

    • The hearer evokes evidence for p

      and believes that p is necessarily true

  • Mo sentences are subjective.

    • Speaker feelings, often negative ones, are expressed.

  • Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


    • Speaker Modality incorporated into mo is a determiner which takes implicit presuppositions in the restrictor and the unaccusative VPs in the nuclear scope

    Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


    • Wide scope taking mo triggers similar propositions to p as presuppositions

    • The presuppositions are informative.

    • The hearer infers the missing presuppositions from extra-linguistic contexts, thus, accommodates presuppositions

    Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


    • Mo-p updates common ground

    • The illocutionary force of mo-p is to give reasons for action.

    Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


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