Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo
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International Conference on Revisiting Japanese Modality. June 25, 2006 University of London, SOAS. Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo. Sumiyo Nishiguchi Stony Brook University [email protected] Abstract.

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Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

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Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

International Conference on Revisiting Japanese Modality

June 25, 2006

University of London, SOAS

Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo

Sumiyo Nishiguchi

Stony Brook University

[email protected]


Abstract

Abstract

1.A focus marker mo `also/even’can associate with the whole proposition (Numata 2000) and appear discourse initially.

2.Mo triggers a set of stative propositions similar to the asserted one as presuppositions (cf. Shudo2002).

The hearer accommodates the informative presuppositions.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

3. This kind of mo is an evidential marker.

4.Mo is a modal morpheme of evidentiality as well as speaker's sentiments.

5. Mo takes unaccusative predicates.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

6. Mo is a determiner which takes presupposition in the restrictor and the unaccusative predicates in the nuclear scope.

7. Mo-p updates the information state.

8. The illocutionary force of mo-p is not only to report (cf. Faller 2002) but to prompt actions.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

1. Mo

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

Mo1

  • Mo `also/even’ is a particle attached to noun phrases inJapanese.

  • Mo `also/even’ is a focus marker or a quantifier-like-element (Kuroda1969).

  • Mo1 `also’

    (1) Ken-mo ki-ta.

    Ken-alsocome-PAST

    `Ken came, too'

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

Mo2

  • Mo obtains the meaning of `even' when the NP is focused(Watanabe 2004).

  • Mo2 `even’

    (2) [Ken]F-mo ki-ta.

    Ken-also come-PAST

    `Ken came, too'

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

  • The `even' mo forms NPIs with indeterminates (wh-words) (Kuroda 1965; Watanabe 2004; cf. Lahiri 1998):

    (3) Dare-mo ko-nai.

    who-even come-NEG

    `Nobody comes'

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

  • Mo with minimum quantity serves as a minimizer (Kato 1985):

    (4) Hito-ri-mo ko-nai.

    1-CL-even come-NEG

    `Nobody comes'

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

  • Japanese grammarians have considered mo polysemous (Sadanobu 1997):

    i) also; ii) even; and, iii) attenuation

    (Numata 1986) or admiration (Teramura 1991).

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

Mo3

  • The meaning of the third mo is distinct from the other two, `also’ and `even’.

  • Mo can associate with the whole proposition (Numata 1986, Numata 2000).

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Wide scope and sentence focus

Wide Scope and Sentence Focus

(5) Yo-mo hukete-ki-ta.

night-also pass-come-PAST

Mo neru-to shi-yo.

already sleep-COMP do-will

`It’s late. I will go to bed'

(5)’ LF: mo [yo-<mo> huke-ta]

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


No antecedent

No Antecedent

  • This kind of mo does not need any antecedent, such as ``x has become late, and the night also grew late.''

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Sentence focus structure lambrecht 2002

Sentence-Focus Structure (Lambrecht 2002)

(6) a. Sentence: My CAR broke down.

b. Presupposition: ___

c. Assertion: `speaker’s car broke down’

d. Focus domain: `speaker’s car broke down’

e. Focus: S

(Lambrecht 2002: 233)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Moreover discourse initial

Moreover, Discourse Initial

This sentence focus mo is used discourse initially:

(7) Haru-mo takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta

spring-also peak-GOAL become-HON-PAST

`The spring has reached its peak'

(Numata2000: 172)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


What is the meaning of mo

What is the meaning of mo?

  • Mo3 has its distinct meaning since replacing mo3 with ga (nominative case) or wa (topic marker) changes the meaning.

    (8)a. Haru-mo takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta

    spring-also peak-GOAL become-HON-PAST

    b. Haru-ga takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta.

    spring-NOM peak-LOC become-HON-PAST

    C. Haru-wa takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta.

    spring-TOP peak-LOC become-HON-PAST

    `The spring has reached its peak'

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Observations

Observations

  • Mo triggers presuppositions (section 2)

  • Mo expresses sentimentality (section 3)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

2. Presupposition Accommodation by Mo

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

  • Numata argues that (7) either:

    i) evokes other events relevant

    to change of seasons; or,

    ii) pretends the existence of

    antecedents in order to give rise to attenuating effect

    (Numata1986, Numata2000)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


What does mo presuppose

What does mo presuppose?

  • The speaker presupposes prior situations

    e.g., cherry blossoms are blooming, the leaves became green, and the weather became warmer.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

(9) Yo-mo fukete-ki-ta. Mo neru-to shi-yo. night-also pass-ASP-PAST already sleep-COMP do-will

`It’s late. I will go to bed'

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

(10) Soto-mo hiete-ki-ta.

outside-also cold-ASP-PAST

`It has become cold outside'

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

(11)Ko-no saifu-mo furuku-nat-ta.

this-GEN wallet-also old-become-PAST

`This wallet has become old’

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

(12) Tabi-mo owari-ni chikazuite-ki-ta.

trip-also end-to approach-ASP-PAST

`The trip is nearing the end‘

(13) Omae-mo aho-ya-na.

you-also silly-be-EXC

`You are silly, I should say'

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

(14) Yo-mo sue-da.

world-also finale-be

`This is the end of the world’

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Mo is a presupposition trigger

Mo is a presupposition trigger

(15) Mo {Yo-ga fuke-ta `it’s late’} ={It is dark, It is past midnight, The neighbors turned off their lights}

(16) Mo {Haru-ga takenawa-ni natta `spring reached its peak'} = {Cherry blossoms are blooming, It became warmer, The daylight has become longer,...}

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

(17) Mo {ko-no saifu-ga huruku-nat-ta}=

{It has been long since I got this, the wallet looks worn and torn,…}

(18) Mo {tabi-ga owari-ni chikazui-ta}=

{the train is approaching the destination, …}

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presuppositions of mo

Presuppositions of Mo

  • When uttering mo-p discourse initially:

    -Speaker acts as if presupposed preceding events are part of the common ground (cf. Stalnaker 1973, 1974)

    - Speaker presupposes that the auditor will be able to infer that it is presupposed.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation

Presupposition Accommodation

  • Lewis (1979)

    If a time t something is said that requires presupposition P to be acceptable, and if P is not presupposed just before t, ceteris paribus and within certain limits- presupposition P comes into existence at t.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

  • Mo-p triggers presupposition that are propositions similar to p.

    Eg.,Haru-mo takenawa-ni narimasita`Spring has reached its peak’

    presupposes

    Cherry blossoms are blooming, it became warmer,…

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

  • What does mo quantify over?

    - Mo quantifies over unspecified events.

    The presuppositions might differ between the hearer and the speaker.

    Japanese: cherry blossomsAmericans: longer daytime

    - Mo quantifies over evidences.

    - Mo quantifies over the near and similar possible worlds.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Comparative similarity lewis 1973

Comparative similarity (Lewis 1973)

SIMwis a function from propositions to propositions which maps each p to the set of p-worlds similar to w.

(19) SIMwp={w’∊p | w’is similar to w no less than any other world in p}

(20)≤⊆W×W, for w∊W,

u ≤wviff u is more similar to or close to w than v

(21) mo-p(w)=1iffu∊p, v∊W s.t. u ≤wv& q(v)=1

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

  • The addressee supplements the presupposed propositions into his knowledge (presupposition accommodation)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

  • The hearer has not been (at least fully) aware of the presupposed events until the speaker utters mo-p.

  • When hearing p, the addressee recognizes the evidence that the bag is torn or the spring has reached its peak.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Informative presuppositions stalnaker 1988

Informative Presuppositions (Stalnaker 1988)

  • Normally, presuppositions are not informative.

  • However, the presuppositions of mo-p are informative.

  • Mo-p updates the common ground. The presuppositions of mo-p are added to the hearer’s knowledge.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Summary on section 2 presupposition accommodation

Summary on Section 2: Presupposition Accommodation

  • Mo triggers unspecified presuppositions similar to the asserted proposition

  • The hearer infers the likely resuppositions.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

3. Mo is an evidential marker

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Mo is an evidential marker

Mo is an Evidential Marker

  • Building on Numata's insight, I claim that this kind of mo is an evidential marker.

  • (7) is an utterance when speaker and

    hearer have perceived evidence that spring has reached its peak. [visual]

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

(7) Haru-mo takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta

spring-also peak-GOAL become-HON-PAST

`The spring has reached its peak'

(Numata2000: 172)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


What is evidentiality

What is evidentiality?

  • Evidentiality: the indication of speaker’s source of information

  • A true evidential encodes a type of information

  • Scales:

    i)Visual>auditory>other sensory>inference from results>reasoning

    ii) Direct>secondhand>thirdhand>hearsay/

    folklore

    (Faller 2002)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

(9) Yo-mo fukete-ki-ta. Mo neru-to shi-yo. night-also pass-ASP-PAST already sleep-COMP do-will

`It’s late. I will go to bed'

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

  • (9) would be uttered after the speaker had a look at a clock. [direct visual evidence]

  • (9) and (7) are reports based on direct evidence, aimed to draw hearer's attention to time or a season.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

(11)Ko-no saifu-mo huruku-nat-ta.

this-GEN wallet-also old-become-PAST

`This wallet has become old’

[visual direct evidence]

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

(12)Tabi-mo owari-ni chikazuite-ki-ta.

trip-mo end-to approach-ASP-PAST

`The trip is nearing the end’

[direct nonvisual evidence]

(13) Omae-mo aho-ya-na.

you-mo silly-be-EXC

`You are silly, I should say‘

[direct inferential evidence]

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

  • Then, mo is an evidential marker of

    direct, mostly visual evidences.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Evidential markers in japanese

Evidential markers in Japanese

  • Aoki (1986)

    so: hearsay

    gar: hearsay and inferential form

    rashi: circumstantial evidence or gathered through sources other than one’s own senses

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Epistemic must

Epistemic must

  • Speaker believes must p based on presently available evidence

    (cf. Coates 1983, Woisetschlaeger 1985, on epistemic must)

    (20) believe(speaker, must p)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Conversational backgrounds

Conversational Backgrounds

(21)Modal base f (in view of the direct evidences): must p

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

4. Sentimentality

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Sentimental bouletic modality

Sentimental/Bouletic Modality

  • Not only being evidential, mo is an expression of sentimental modality.

  • While (7) demonstrates speaker's uplifted sentiments, most of the evidential mo sentences express speaker's negative emotion.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

(11) Ko-no saifu-mo huruku-nat-ta.

this-GEN wallet-also old-become-PAST

`This wallet has become old’

[sentiments]

(9) Soto-mo hiete-ki-ta.

outside-mo cold-ASP-PAST

`It has become cold outside’

[negative]

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

(12) Tabi-mo owari-ni chikazuite-ki-ta.

trip-mo end-to approach-ASP-PAST

`The trip is nearing the end’

[sentiments, negative]

(13) Omae-mo aho-ya-na.

you-mo silly-be-EXC

`You are silly, I should say’

[sentiments]

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Ordering source cf kratzer1991

Ordering source (cf. Kratzer1991)

(22)Ordering source g (in view of what I want): For all u, w, w’∊W, for any g(u)⊆P(W):

w≤g(u)w’ iff

{p: p∊g(u) & w’∊p} ⊆{p:p∊g(u) and w ∊p}

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

(23)||mo-φ||(w) = 1 iff

for all u∊∩g(w) there is a v ∊∩g(w) such that v≤g(w)u and for all z ∊∩g(w) : if z≤g(w)v, then z∊||φ||.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

(24)

φ

g: ordering source – bouletic

MODAL f: modal base – evidential modal

(cf. Kratzer 1991; von Fintel and Iatridou 2005)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

5.Unaccusativity

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Unaccusativity

Unaccusativity

  • All predicates with wide scope mo are unaccusative.

    fukeru `become late’

    takenawa-ni naru`reach its peak’

    furuku naru`become old’

    owari-ni chikazuku`near the end’

    hiete kuru`become cold’

    aho-da`be silly’

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


No passive morpheme

No passive morpheme

(25)*Yo-ni fuke-rare-ta.

night-DAT grow late-PASS-PAST

(26) *Kono-kaban-ni furuku-nar-are-ta.

this-bag-DAT old-become-PASS-PAST

(27)*Tabi-ni owari-ni chikazuk-are-ta.

trip-DAT end-LOC near-PASS-PAST

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

6. Generalized Quantifier

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Restrictive quantification

Restrictive Quantification

  • Bouletic and evidential modal is the lexical meaning of mo.

  • Wide scope mo functions as a determiner taking implicit presupposition in the

    restrictor and overt stative or resultative unaccusative predicates in the nuclear scope.

    (cf. Kratzer 1991; Berman 1991; von Fintel 1994)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

(28)TP

Mo P VP

Mo (MODALbouletic,evidential) presupposition

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

(29)TP

moP TP

moP T’

mo presupposition yo <mo>

VP T

<yo> huke ta

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

  • Mo takes the propositions similar to p in the restrictor.

  • Mo takes the set of possible worlds in which the presuppositions are true as a restrictor.

    (30)Mo (λw. SIMw(p))(λw. p(w))

    =1 if there is w such that SIMw(p)=1

    else 0.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Kuroda 1986

Kuroda (1986)

  • Mo is in COMP in Deep Structure:

    (31) DS: Hanako-ga odor-ta shi mo

    Hanako-NOM dance-PAST and also

    Masao-ga odor-ta mo

    Masao-NOM dance-PAST also

    SS:Hanako-mo odot-ta-shi

    Hanako-also dance-PAST and

    Masao-mo odot-ta.

    Masao-also dance-also do-PAST

    `Hanako danced and Masao danced, too’

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

7. CCP

and

Information Updates

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Context change potential development from heim 1992

Context Change Potential(development from Heim 1992)

(32) c+mo-p={(w,g) in c | p and Believe(s+h,must(Know(s+h,p))) is true at (w,g)}

if there is q which is similar to, but not equal to p which is true in c; otherwise, undefined,

where s is the speaker and h the hearer, g is the assignment function and for M=Believe or Know, M(a+b,p) is true at (w,g) iff for all u, w(RM,a U RM,b)* u implies that p is true at (u,g)

((Rx U Ry) is the union of Rx and Ry, and (Rx)* is the reflexive-transitive closure of Rx

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Information update

Information Update

  • Utterances with mo draws the hearer's attention to the fact which the hearer had not been so aware of, e.g., it’s late, or the spring reached its peak,

  • On the other hand, the sentence without mo is a statement of the fact and does not convey any new information. p resides within the common knowledge between the speaker and the hearer (cf. Gronedijk and Stokhof 1991; Veltman 1996).

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

Mo-p adds `I believe that we must know that p’

(33) BELIEVE MUST KNOW (speaker and hearer, p)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

8. Illocutionary Force

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Speech act function of mo

Speech Act Function of Mo

  • Faller 2006: The illocutionary force of Cusco Quechua reportative evidentials is report

  • The speech act functions of mo is to draw attention of the hearer to the evidenced fact that becomes a reason for the following sentence and prompt actions.

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

(34) Kane-mo morae-nakat-ta-shi kaer-o.

money-also receive-NEG-PAST-so return-will

`Having been given no money, let us go home’

(35) Yo-mo huke-ta-kara ohiraki-ni shi-yo.

night-also pass-PAST-so finish-GOAL do-let’s

`It’s late. Let’s wrap up a party’

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

(33) REPORT(Π1 ) Λ BECAUSE(Π1, Π2)

In the framework of SDRT

(Asher and Lascarides 2003)

Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


Conclusion

Conclusion

  • Mo is an evidence invoking marker

    • The hearer evokes evidence for p

      and believes that p is necessarily true

  • Mo sentences are subjective.

    • Speaker feelings, often negative ones, are expressed.

  • Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


    Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

    • Speaker Modality incorporated into mo is a determiner which takes implicit presuppositions in the restrictor and the unaccusative VPs in the nuclear scope

    Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


    Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

    • Wide scope taking mo triggers similar propositions to p as presuppositions

    • The presuppositions are informative.

    • The hearer infers the missing presuppositions from extra-linguistic contexts, thus, accommodates presuppositions

    Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


    Presupposition accommodation by discourse initial evidential marker mo

    • Mo-p updates common ground

    • The illocutionary force of mo-p is to give reasons for action.

    Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Presupposition Accommodation by Discourse Initial Evidential Marker Mo


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