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You Can’t Do That! The Pragmatics and Ethics of Ethnographic Approaches To New Media Research

You Can’t Do That! The Pragmatics and Ethics of Ethnographic Approaches To New Media Research. Mary L. Gray Indiana University Department of Communication and Culture Contact: mLg@indiana.edu. Rob Kling Center for Social Informatics Colloquium, February 17, 2006. Overview of today’s talk.

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You Can’t Do That! The Pragmatics and Ethics of Ethnographic Approaches To New Media Research

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  1. You Can’t Do That!The Pragmatics and Ethics of Ethnographic Approaches To New Media Research Mary L. Gray Indiana University Department of Communication and Culture Contact: mLg@indiana.edu Rob Kling Center for Social Informatics Colloquium, February 17, 2006

  2. Overview of today’s talk • Pragmatics: • what did I ask and assume? • what did I do? • what did I find? • Ethics: • implications, dilemmas, and strategies • When pragmatics and ethics collide: • plasticity of vulnerability

  3. (not-so) Hidden agenda • De-center new media as default unit of analysis • Focus on the medium can obscure the key element in ethnography: the people • Call for interdisciplinary conversations • Call for intradisciplinary conversations (this is the hardest part) • Fault lines/political economies of ethics in sciencific research

  4. Part I: Pragmatics What I asked: • Difference the Internet makes to youth negotiating a “queer” sense of sexuality and gender in the rural U.S.? • Broader concern: How are intimate identities organized vis-à-vis media in a modern era? • Case study: How young people do “queer identity work?” • sites and technologies • construction, negotiation, articulation of cultural meaning • support agencies, peers, and new media • How is queer identity work placed, gendered, classed, and raced differently in the rural United States?

  5. Basic research assumptions • Genders and sexualities are constructed • No finite number of LGBTQ folks to be “found” in rural places • Online interviewing and data as “authentic” as face-to-face interactions/participant-observation • New media as tools and locations for cultural production • Grounded theory of action/acting informs my analysis and methods • Focus: interactions, infrastructures, and processes not specific technologies (rethinking media effects)

  6. What did I do?(my ethnographic work in a nutshell) • 2001-2004 (19+ months) “in the field” with rural youth in KY and border states • Multi-sited ethnography • Participant/observation among youth agencies, peer networks, and LGBTQ youth advocates • In-depth, open-ended interviews with 34 youth ages 14-24; informal interviews with over 20 youth/LGBTQ advocates • Content analyses of websites, blogs, message boards for/produced by rural LGBTQ youth and allies • Analytical tools: media studies, symbolic interactionism, STS, anthropology and queer studies of sexualities and genders, postcolonial studies

  7. Boundary publics integrating rural queer youth publics and social worlds • Responses to economic and infrastructural conditions • lack of an established spectrum of public spaces • dominance of cornerstone rural publics (e.g., churches and schools) • Moments of occupation for queer identity work and praxis • Challenges to local/universal expectations of queer invisibility in rural America

  8. Boundary publics for rural youth’s queer identity work • Exhibit A: new mediascapes such as websites • 2 examples • Highland Pride Alliance website • AJ’s FTM Journey

  9. Highland Pride Alliance

  10. HPA Website features • Prominence of the link to local sites • Dominance of links to other LGBT groups beyond the area • Reflections of interests in political work • Documentation of local political work

  11. AJ’s FTM Journey

  12. AJ’s FTM Journey Website features: • Updates, about me • Gallery of T-effects • Surgery pics & doctors • Links • Guestbook • Voiceclip from AJ’s site

  13. Rural queer boundary publics • Exhibit B: privatized zones • 2 examples: • Queercore at the Methodist Church SkatePark • Drag at Wal-Mart

  14. Queercore at the Methodist Church SkatePark • Alternative venue • “Open space” in principle • “Safe cover”

  15. Drag at Wal-Mart • Private space with a nationally set of guidelines (DP benefits, treatment of ‘guests’) • De-facto public space in rural communities • Fabulous place to do drag for local/regional queer youth

  16. “boundary publics” are fragile • Hatemail sent to HPA • AJ’s self-editing • Closing down of the “Mosh Place” • Verbal harassment at the Wal-Mart • Overall reliance on privatized net services (i.e., tripod, AOL, PNO)

  17. Interlocking integrity of “Boundary publics” Collectively shape experiences of public-ness: • HPA posts Wal-Mart adventures • AJ’s website documents F2F meetings • “Mosh Place” concerts are digitized and streamed • Wal-Mart drag coordinated via email/discussion boards

  18. Overview of major findings • New media not for escape but for local belonging • Boundary publics as both productive and fragile sites for queer identity work • Boundary publics as models for mapping entanglements of new media and local space • New media as rich sites for examining nexus between other boundary publics and broader contexts for identity work

  19. Implications of findings • Complicates the argument that new media “liberate” our bodies from locations • Contributes to materially grounded studies of both new media use and sexual and gender experience • Challenges queer theorists on uncritical use of urban paradigms • Highlights what rural queer youth new media use can teach us about the politics of identity…and how to better serve their needs

  20. Part 2: Ethics Troubling access: • Hard to find rural queer and questioning youth? • Internet finds some youth but makes it easier to ignore others • Marginalizing those beyond access (or with troubling access) makes ethnographic work less rich

  21. Representative sampling in new media ethnographies • No way to be sure of who is missed if your only method is via the computer (this matters depending on your research question) • Groups online can reproduce closed circles of peer networks distorting data (again, depending on your research question) • Ethical responsibility to create a representative sample

  22. Access and representation issues bring up… • How can we think about anonymity as data rather than an technological artifact (and how to get at it methodologically)? • How do we investigate/unpack the privacy and anonymity that seems to infuse online environments with a special-ness? • What are other search strategies for finding participants on the edges of with my research focus?

  23. Ethical dilemmas--”You can’t do that!!” • IRB expectations meet real world fieldwork challenges • Dealing with youth in a setting hostile to their identities • Ethnographies “here” • Presumptions of tech ubiquity • Politics of working with stigma • How to make ethical decisions when IRB expectations don’t follow you into an electronic fieldsite • Are LiveJournals/Blogs texts or people? • Need for informed consent in multi-sited ethnographies • Citation/attribution concerns • The importance of hashing these issues out in an interdisciplinary public • IRBs vary from campus-to-campus • Committees w/ ethnographic expertise vs. medical model

  24. (some) Possible solutions • Online materials as “voices” of participants (informed consent) • Triangulation (boundary publics model) • Ess’ et. al: open-ended/minded pluralistic approach (ethics as praxis) • Professional expectations of explicit and intentional disclosure of ethical and methodological approaches • Coordination of guidelines at Association level • Join your local IRB? • STS approach to ethics/science

  25. Part 3: When pragmatics and ethics collide Plasticity of vulnerability: • Construction of youth-as-vulnerable • San Diego vs. rural Kentucky • Reinscription of normative assumptions about the rural • Ad-hoc tailoring of ethics protocols in the field • Securing Waiver of parental consent • Dealing with online encounters • The IRB’s imagining of rural places and queer youth • “Special accommodations” affect sampling of participants and what stories are told • The IRB process for this research calls for reflection on : • Role negotiations of methods, ethics, and politics play in constructing scientific knowledge about queer and questioning youth • How methodological crises serve as productive, reflexive opportunities

  26. Defining “vulnerability” • the “Common Rule” vulnerable populations: prisoners, economically or educationally disadvantaged persons, women, fetuses, children, or mentally disabled persons (who does this leave out?) • Genealogies of vulnerable populations begin with the international drafting of the Nuremberg Medical Code of Ethics • The U.S. Public Health Service’s 1932-1972 Tuskegee syphilis study fueled overhaul of regulations for research involving human subjects • The specters of ethical malpractice haunt present day evaluations of research proposals • Methodological past operationalizes who is included under the rubric of vulnerable populations

  27. Advise and consent 1st example of the production of vulnerability vis-à-vis IRBs: Securing waiver of parental consent • I did secure waiver of parental consent from people under 18 (afforded under the “Common Rule”) • Revoked 1 year in with change in IRB hierarchy • Permitted to talk with youth: • at participating youth agency offices • over a public • agency phone via a toll free number • IRB mandated methodological remedies that could not address the complexities of new media fieldsites • rural communities overwhelmingly lack local youth agency offices and public telephones • New media access mitigated by class status

  28. Advise and consent 2nd example of the production of vulnerability vis-à-vis IRBs: Online encounters • IRB had few protocols re: working with youth-oriented online materials—particularly posted or produced by youth • Little sense that these documents might be connected to “live” youth My concerns? • How do I attend to analyzing AJ’s website? • How can I ethically use this information and in what venues? Online materials fell outside the attention span of my IRB…Why? • Data were simply read passively as web content • Data seemed to keep me safely distanced from interacting with youth. • IRB saw websurfing as innocuous, detached from human subjects My solutions: • Skirted edge of what IRB deemed permissible contact with youth in my fieldsite • Prompted by disciplinary ethical code of anthropology than IRB’s directives

  29. In conclusion Politics and fragility of knowledge 2 examples (consent and online encounters) show: • Nothing static about vulnerable populations • Category always open to expansion • IRBs strategically distance institutions from the contagion of stigmatized identities • researchers often collude in these maneuvers to gain approval for their projects • the plasticity of vulnerability: illustrates politics and fragility that comprise scientific knowledge • Ethnography of new media an important site/faultline

  30. Acknowledgments: • Social Science Research Council’s Sexuality Research Fellowship funded by the Ford Foundation • Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation’s (GLAAD) Center for the Study of Media and Society

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