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Investigating Social Vulnerability in Community-Based Poverty Monitoring in Sri Lanka

Investigating Social Vulnerability in Community-Based Poverty Monitoring in Sri Lanka. Authored by Hartmut Fuenfgeld, Siri Hettige, Markus Mayer and Sonali Senaratne-Sellamuttu for Institute for Policy Studies (IPS) in collaboration with

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Investigating Social Vulnerability in Community-Based Poverty Monitoring in Sri Lanka

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  1. Investigating Social Vulnerability in Community-Based Poverty Monitoring in Sri Lanka Authored by Hartmut Fuenfgeld, Siri Hettige, Markus Mayer and Sonali Senaratne-Sellamuttu for Institute for Policy Studies (IPS) in collaboration with Improving Capacities for Poverty & Social Policy Research (IMCAP)Program – University of Colombo

  2. Introduction • This paper shares some critical reflections on the experiences of using qualitative methods for the purposes of CBPM in Sri Lanka. CBPM, Sri Lanka

  3. Extending and Intensifying CBPM Methodology • Quantitative research methodologies cannot fully apprehend complex social, cultural and political dimensions of poverty at the micro-level • Qualitative research methodologies can provide the necessary deeper insights to important poverty factors such as vulnerability, social exclusion, conflict related aspects of poverty or lack of social and political participation and civil rights CBPM, Sri Lanka

  4. Policy Challenges for CBMS • Besides including the community for data collection, CBMS can also provide opportunities to identify new indicators for poverty that – rather than merely pointing out to an increase or decrease of poverty within a given community, region or country – are able to uncover the underlying factors and processes that drive people into poverty, keep them in poverty, or help them to move out of poverty CBPM, Sri Lanka

  5. Important aspects to include into CBMS: • Quality and impact of different coping strategies • Economic, social, cultural and political relationship structures of the poor (incl. relations between the poor and the non-poor) • Local concepts of well-being (sensitive towards gender, age, ethnicity etc.), focusing also on gaps between aspirations and opportunities CBPM, Sri Lanka

  6. Vulnerability Approach:process character of poverty • understanding factors that not only limit people’s ability for basic survival but also reduce their available options for a livelihood appropriate to their individual needs and aspirations • understanding contradictions between social expectations, individual aspirations and human needs: capabilities or “freedoms” (SEN) of a person to achieve different lifestyles CBPM, Sri Lanka

  7. Analytical Framework for the Assessment of Life Chances CBPM, Sri Lanka

  8. Dimensions of Analysis Political Cultural Social Economical Ecological CBPM, Sri Lanka

  9. CBMS Locations in Sri Lanka • Urban Sector (Colombo District) • Rural Sector (Hambantota District) • Estate Sector (Nureliya District) • “Conflict” Sector (Batticaloa District)  for pilot research and approach development CBPM, Sri Lanka

  10. CBPM, Sri Lanka

  11. Qualitative Research Methods • Semi-structured interviews with key informants • Focus group discussions • Participatory tools (e.g. mapping, wealth ranking)  University graduates with social science background acted as external facilitators CBPM, Sri Lanka

  12. CBPM, Sri Lanka

  13. In-depth interviews • Selection of 16 households with different poverty dynamic – characteristics: • always poor • always better off • earlier poor, now better off • earlier better off, now poor  Interviews with different household members (at least 3 – gender & age differentiated) CBPM, Sri Lanka

  14. Case-Study 1:Kalametiya, Hambantota • Kalametiya is a coastal lagoon system on the southern coastline of Sri Lanka • It is considered to be one of the most economically disadvantaged areas in the country • The villages selected were entirely Sinhalese, but with different occupational patterns: fishing (lagoon and sea), farming (paddy), and cattle rearing CBPM, Sri Lanka

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  17. Kalametiya: conflict background • Located within the site of two violent youth insurgencies in Sri Lanka 1971 and 1987 - 1991 • The brutal breakdown of the second insurgency by the government left 40,000 to 60,000 youth in Southern Sri Lanka dead or missing • Subsequently highly politicized area and still a stronghold of the party that led the insurgencies in the past CBPM, Sri Lanka

  18. Findings: Kalametiya • Extensive dependence on natural resource livelihoods • Strong link between environmental changes and poverty processes • Poverty has been compounded by changes in the lagoon ecology due to human interventions over the past three decades CBPM, Sri Lanka

  19. Cause and Effect of Lagoon Ecology Alteration: Kalametiya Upstream Irrigation Interventions Infrastructure Construction Lagoon ecology altered: decrease in fishing population ´´ The income I obtain from lagoon fishing is much lower today than what it was in the past. I now only make Rs 100.00 or Rs 150.00 per day. The main reason for this is the decrease in the numbers of fish found in the lagoon.´´ CBPM, Sri Lanka

  20. Social Impact of Changes in the Natural Resource Management • Tensions between different occupational communities (linked to caste issues) on the utilization of water (farmers vs. fishermen) • Increased competition within the marine fishing sector with poorer members of the community being increasingly marginalized due to lack of investment options into new technologies CBPM, Sri Lanka

  21. Coping Mechanism of Fisherpeople: Kalametiya • Diversification of livelihoods is the most important coping strategy • Diversification methods differ in chronically poor households from upwardly mobile households • Poorer households appear to depend on only one unskilled earner, engaged in casual labor work in the agricultural sector CBPM, Sri Lanka

  22. Coping Mechanisms of the Upwardly Mobile: Kalametiya • In upwardly mobile households, members distribute the risk, with different earners engaging in different sectors • This is mainly possible because the households have invested in human capital and have at least one skilled earners (e.g. with knowledge on computer technology) CBPM, Sri Lanka

  23. Migration as Coping Mechanism: Kalametiya • Other ways of coping with vulnerable situations include going or sending women from the household to work abroad, mainly to the Middle East • This is sometimes successful for upward mobility but not always CBPM, Sri Lanka

  24. Findings: Kalametiya ´´I went to the middle east as a housemaid in January 2002 as the income from lagoon fishing was far from sufficient. Unfortunately all the money I had sent to my husband to build our house he had spent on entertaining friends and other unnecessary things.´´ CBPM, Sri Lanka

  25. Coping Mechanisms of the Poor: Kalametiya • Most chronically poor households could not afford to send people abroad or invest in human capital • As a result they coped by • skipping a meal • substituting cheaper foods for staples • buying on credit CBPM, Sri Lanka

  26. Greater Vulnerability: Kalametiya • This often meant that poor households suffered more from illness and malnutrition and from the danger of falling into deeper debt. • This increased their vulnerability as illness impacted on earning potential (“body as main asset”) CBPM, Sri Lanka

  27. Social Networks: Kalametiya • Chronically poor households could also be marked by the lack of functioning social networks and relationships • In many cases, friends and relatives • were equally poor • lived far away or • were in conflict with the household CBPM, Sri Lanka

  28. Constraints to escape poverty: • Besides old age and chronic ill-health, community members identified alcoholismas the key constraint of improving a families livelihood • Addiction to alcohol of households heads was explained as a vicious cycle that leads to a breakdown of family life and well-being and wastes most of the income of poor households • Alcoholism also contributes significantly to domestic conflict and violence, mostly targeting wives and sometimes also children CBPM, Sri Lanka

  29. Political and Social Institutions: Kalametiya • Local government and NGOs are perceived to be corrupted and politicized • Links with state and NGO officials were helpful only if people were themselves with influence (“political capital”)  High degree of frustration among poor without political contacts or “investments” into the wrong party members who didn’t win the election CBPM, Sri Lanka

  30. Human and Social Capital:“Investment risks” • “The education only benefits the rich people. The poor, having spent years for a degree, have to wait at home for a job. This happens because most of the jobs are under mani-pulation of the government. People without educational qualifications are sitting in high positions and spoiling the institutions.” (Youth, male, 27 yrs., A/L educated) • “Sri Lankan culture is such that it does not view self-employment as employment. It should not be like that. In marriage the male is required to have a stable job in the public or private sector; self-employment does not count very much to people” (Youth, male, 22 yrs., A/L) CBPM, Sri Lanka

  31. Politicization of Everyday Life • Resource allocation and distribution under control of national government ministers and MP’s • Village communities divided along political alliances with no independent “entitlement perception” (with “winners” taking revenge) Victimization experiences in the past, especially among those without political protection, strengthens the above processes CBPM, Sri Lanka

  32. Case-Study 2: Batticaloa District • Largest coastal lagoon ecosystem in the country • 20 years of ethnic war in this region has seriously depleted the resources and infrastructure with severe economic impacts on the people • A Tamil village and a Muslim village were chosen for the study CBPM, Sri Lanka

  33. Batticaloa: Conflict Background • A Ceasefire Agreement signed in 2002 has brought some relief after almost 20 years of active armed conflict • The lagoon is still highly politically and militarily contested area • There is ongoing and increasing polarization between Tamils and Muslims CBPM, Sri Lanka

  34. Findings: Batticaloa • All households were entirely or partly dependent on the lagoon for their income, using simple methods such as cast or gill nets and fish traps • Regular flooding during the rainy season created economical hardship as well as ill-health due to poor drainage systems • Ethnic conflict creates additional hardships CBPM, Sri Lanka

  35. Security and the Lagoon: Batticaloa • There has been open access to the lagoon only after the Ceasefire Agreement 2002 • This is mainly for Tamils as Muslims cannot easily access the part of the lagoon coming under the LTTE-controlled areas • Additionally, continuing security concerns keeps both community near shore where fish supplies are depleted CBPM, Sri Lanka

  36. Impact of the Conflict on Livelihoods: Batticaloa • The conflict has destroyed former means of livelihoods (e.g. cattle rearing) of many families • As a result of lost livelihoods, many families have taken up fishing from the lagoon as the only available survival strategy • The increase in the fisher community has led to the lagoon being over fished and subsequent ecological changes CBPM, Sri Lanka

  37. Impacts of Increased Fishing: Batticaloa • Increased competition between fisher people causes frequent quarrels and fights, leading to growing tension within the community • There is increased theft and sabotage within the fisher community (perpetuated through the lack of consistent law and order) CBPM, Sri Lanka

  38. Lack of Diversification and Other Opportunities: Batticaloa • Most people noted that there appeared to be few alternatives to their current livelihoods, leading to poor income security • The ongoing insecurity in the region makes it difficult to establish new industries • Additionally, access to natural resources is still controlled by the LTTE or army CBPM, Sri Lanka

  39. Coping Mechanisms of the Poor: Batticaloa • The main coping mechanism in Batticaloa was to go or send women to work as domestic aides in the Middle East • Almost all families who had managed to maintain or improve their livelihood relied on the returns of one or more temporary migrants CBPM, Sri Lanka

  40. Challenges to coping: Batticaloa • Many families had no credit worthiness (no land title or physical assets) to obtain financial credit, even if sources for financial capital were available • Successful self-employment or small-scale business activities also increased the danger of taxation and jealousy CBPM, Sri Lanka

  41. Social Vulnerability and Conflict • Disruption of social relations as a source of support and coping • Loss of social status and networks through death of a family member, separation, displacement etc. • Communal mistrust and lack of social cohesion due to perceived or real lack of consistent law and order • Sense of fatalism and reluctance of people to invest in permanent community structures CBPM, Sri Lanka

  42. CHALLENGES • How can the qualitative findings be translated into a quantitative survey questionnaire for CBPM? • What kind of information should be collected by whom? • Which are the best forms of institutionalizing CBPM in the Sri Lankan context? CBPM, Sri Lanka

  43. Lessons learnt • More accurate information can be obtained on social networks and intra-household or intra-community relationships (including conflicts) by community based researchers  Qualitative findings can help to design good survey questions (e.g. taking different concepts and meanings of conflict into consideration) CBPM, Sri Lanka

  44. Challenges to CBPM (contd.) • People were reluctant to provide details about income, food consumption patterns, and information on particular health problems to community-based researchers  Need to either identify appropriate enumerators (e.g. health workers) and/ or to develop more indirect questions (e.g. degree of satisfaction with income level) CBPM, Sri Lanka

  45. Challenges to CBPM (contd.) • Actual and perceived impartiality of the community based researcher is difficult to guarantee • Political activity, belonging to influential groups or particular family histories can compromise perceived impartiality • Local government bodies were also seen as politicized, however they were given in many instances more legitimacy than local NGO’s CBPM, Sri Lanka

  46. Challenges to CBPM (cont.) • Bringing different stakeholders together for community based data collection • Ensuring role of a facilitator to initiate the process and to assist in the analysis, interpretation and valididation of data • Linking data collection to activities that have a visible benefit to the community CBPM, Sri Lanka

  47. Institutionalization of CBPM in Sri Lanka Undiscovered role of educated youth: • Long waiting period for A-level or University degree results • Many youth stay at home while applying for jobs • CBPM training programs facilitated by the Universities in collaboration with Local Government institutions for youth: - additional qualifications - improved social recognition  YOUTH CORPS IDEA CBPM, Sri Lanka

  48. National Youth Survey 2000 CBPM, Sri Lanka

  49. CBPM, Sri Lanka

  50. Thank you for your attention The end!

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