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Open up your Princeton Review book to Chapter 7 Read page 63 74 This is what our test is about

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Open up your Princeton Review book to Chapter 7 Read page 63 74 This is what our test is about

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    1. Open up your Princeton Review book to Chapter 7 Read page 63 74 This is what our test is about

    2. FRQ #6 Please take out a sheet of paper and title it FRQ # 6 Turn to page 171 in your Cracking the AP U.S. Government and Politics Exam book Answer question #2 about soft money Use page 283 of your Edwards textbook Use page 73, 96 & 278 of the Princeton Review book

    3. FRQ #6 When you are satisfied with your answer to #2 from page171 in your Cracking the AP U.S. Government and Politics Exam book Check your answer on pages 207 to 210 Make changes to your answer How does your answer compare to the sample answer?

    4. Friday, 10/21 and Monday, 10/21 Legislative Branch ppt Questions will be a double daily grade and turned in the day of the exam Chapter 12 reading quiz Tuesday, 10/25 (A) and Wednesday, 10/26 (B) Test is Monday, 10/31 (A) and Tuesday, 11/1 (B)

    6. The framers of the Constitution conceived of Congress as the center of policy-making in America. Although the prominence of Congress has fluctuated over time, in recent years Congress has been the true center of power in Washington. Congress' tasks become more difficult each year. The movement of legislation through the congressional ropes has never been more complicated, and just finding time to debate the issues has become increasingly difficult. Some critics charge Congress with being the source of government expansion.

    13. ELEVEN THINGS TO KNOW ABOUT CONGRESS The role of compromise and bargaining. The role of personality and political savvy. Role of citizens and how they influence their reps Congress is a complex institution. Congress is an institution of people, not just members. 6. What Congress does affects you. 7. Congress does not stand alone. It is integrated in the entire government. 8. The process matters. 9. Members respond to their constituents. 10. Elections matter. 11. Congress embodies the messy processes that is part of democracy.

    14. The framers of the Constitution conceived of Congress as the center of policy-making in America. Although the prominence of Congress has fluctuated over time, in recent years Congress has been the true center of power in Washington. Congress' tasks become more difficult each year. The movement of legislation through the congressional ropes has never been more complicated, and just finding time to debate the issues has become increasingly difficult. Some critics charge Congress with being the source of government expansion.

    15. THE REPRESENTATIVES AND SENATORS Despite public perceptions to the contrary, hard work is perhaps the most prominent characteristic of a member of Congress' job. The typical representative is a member of about six committees and subcommittees; a senator is a member of about ten. Members are often scheduled to be in two places at the same time.

    16. There are also attractions to the job. The most important is power. Members of Congress make key decisions about important matters of public policy. Members of Congress receive substantial salary and ("perks"). Despite the salaries, the perks, and the thousands of staff members, Congress is relatively inexpensive. Per citizen, Americans annually spend about the equivalent of the cost of a hamburger, fries, and cola on running the nation's legislature.

    17. The People There are 535 members of Congress- l00 in the Senate (2 from each state) and 435 in the House of Representatives. The Constitution specifies that members of the House must be at least twenty-five years old, American citizens for seven years, and must be residents of the states from which they are elected. Senators must be at least thirty years old, American citizens for nine years, and must be residents of the states from which they are elected.

    20. Members come mostly from occupations with high status and usually have substantial incomes. Law and business are the dominant prior occupations, with other elite occupations also well represented.

    21. Representation of minorities Less than ten percent of voting members of the House are African-American (44 in 112th Congress) 9 Asians in House, 2 in Senate There were fewer than twenty Hispanics in the House 10 years ago (30 now in House including Pedro Pierluisi, D PR sopeople did vote for Pedro, 2 Senators) Women are the most underrepresented demographic group in Congress; more than half of the population is female, but only thirteen senators and fifty-nine voting representatives are female.

    22. Descriptive/Substantive Although members of Congress obviously cannot claim descriptive representation (representing their constituents by mirroring their personal, politically relevant characteristics), they may engage in substantive representation (representing the interests of groups).

    23. CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS Incumbents are those already holding office. The most important fact about congressional elections is that incumbents usually win. Even in a year of great political upheaval such as 1994, in which the Republicans gained eight seats in the Senate and fifty-three seats in the House, 92 percent of incumbent representatives won their bids for reelection.

    24. Who wins in the House? Not only do more than 90 percent of the incumbents seeking reelection to the House of Representatives win, but most of them win with more than 60 percent of the vote. Even when challengers' positions on the issues are closer to the voters' positions, incumbents still tend to win. Thus, the most important resource to ensure an opponent's defeat is simply to be the incumbent.

    25. House Re-election Rate

    26. House Incumbents Defeated

    27. Discuss with your table What is an incumbent? Why do they usually win in the House?

    28. Who wins in the Senate? Even though senators have a better-than-equal chance of reelection, senators typically win by narrower margins than House members. One reason for the greater competition in the Senate is that an entire state is almost always more diverse than a congressional district and thus provides more of a base for opposition to an incumbent. Senators have less personal contact with their constituents and receive more coverage in the media than representatives do (and are therefore more likely to be held accountable on controversial issues). Senators tend to draw more visible challengers who are already known to voters and who have substantial financial backing.

    29. Senate Re-Election Rate

    30. Senate Incumbent Defeated

    32. Despite their success at reelection, incumbents have a strong feeling of vulnerability; thus, they have been raising and spending more campaign funds, sending more mail to their constituents, traveling more to their states and districts, and staffing more local offices than ever before.

    33. The advantages of incumbents Voters are not very aware of how their senators and representatives actually vote. Stories of presidential coattails (the theory that other candidates could ride into office by clinging to presidential coattails) do not seem to hold up in practice. Members of Congress do not gain or lose very much from the fluctuations of the economy.

    35. Members of Congress engage in three primary activities that increase the probability of their reelections Advertising Credit claiming Position taking

    36. Advertising Most congressional advertising takes place between elections and takes the form of contact with constituents: members concentrate on staying visible, and trips to the home district (or state) are frequent.

    37. Credit Claiming Credit claiming involves personal and district service. There are two ways members of Congress can service the constituency: casework and the pork barrel. 1) Casework is helping constituents as individuals, such as cutting through bureaucratic red tape. 2) The pork barrel refers to expenditures on federal projects, grants, and contracts for cities, businesses, colleges, and institutions. Because credit claiming is so important to reelection, members of Congress rarely pass up the opportunity to increase federal spending in their state or district.

    38. Position Taking Members of Congress must also engage in position taking on matters of public policy when they vote on issues and when they respond to constituents' questions about where they stand on issues. The positions they take may make a difference in the outcome of an election, especially if the issues are on matters salient to voters and their stands are out of line with those of a majority of their constituents (especially in the Senate, where issues are likely to playa greater role than in House elections).

    39. Weak opponents Incumbents are likely to face weak opponents Seeing the advantages of incumbency, potentially effective opponents often do not want to risk challenging members of the House

    40. The role of party identification Although party loyalty at the voting booth is not as strong as it was a generation ago, it is still a good predictor of voting behavior Most members of Congress represent constituencies in which their party is in the majority

    41. Defeating Incumbents An incumbent tarnished by scandal or corruption becomes vulnerable. Voters do take out their anger at the polls. Congressional membership is reapportioned after each federal census, and incumbents may be redistricted out of their familiar base of support. The majority party in the state legislature is more likely to move two of the opposition party's representatives into the same district than two of its own. In 1994 a major political tidal wave spawned by angry voters defeated thirty-five incumbents in the House and two incumbents in the Senate.

    42. Money in congressional elections Candidates spend enormous sums on campaigns for Congress. In the 1998 Senate elections, the average winner spent over $4.7 million. In the 1998 House elections, the average winning candidate spent more than $740,000. Spending is greatest when there is no incumbent and each party feels it has a chance to win.

    43. Critics of Political Action Committees (PACs) offer substantive criticism of the present system of campaign finance. Although most of the money spent in congressional elections comes from individuals, 30 percent (about $200 million) of the funds raised by candidates for Congress in 1996 came from about four thousand Political Action Committees (PACs). In 1997-98, incumbents in both houses received $157 million from PACs, challengers received $21 million, and the rest went to candidates for open seats. Each PAC is limited to an expenditure of $5000 per candidate (most give less), but some organized interests circumvent the limitations on contributions by creating or contributing to several PACs. PACs seek access to policymakers. Thus, they give most of their money to incumbents, who are already heavily favored to win. Critics of PACs are convinced that PACs are not trying to elect but to buy influence.

    44. Spending a lot of money in a campaign is no guarantee of success. In 1998 Alfonse D' Amato spent more than $23 million to retain his Senate seat in New York and lost. Money is important for challengers. Money buys them name recognition and a chance to be heard.

    45. When an incumbent is not running for reelection and the seat is open, there is greater likelihood of competition. Most of the turnover of the membership of Congress is the result of vacated seats, particularly in the House. In open seats, the candidate who spends the most usually wins.

    46. Stability and Change As a result of incumbents usually winning reelection, there is some stability in the membership of Congress. This provides the opportunity for representatives and senators to gain some expertise in dealing with complex questions of public policy. It also insulates them from political change and makes it more difficult for citizens to "send a message to Washington" with their votes. Some reformers have proposed term limitations laws for senators and representatives.

    48. Congressional Leadership Scavenger Hunt With your table, please find out the names of the leadership of Congress on your hand out. Type the title and names of each of these leaders after number 52 on your note sheet Senate.gov House.gov HOUSE Speaker Majority Leader Minority Leader Majority Whip Minority Whip SENATE Vice President President Pro Tempore Majority Leader Minority Leader Democratic Whips Republican Whips

    49. HOW CONGRESS IS ORGANIZED TO MAKE POLICY Making policy is the toughest of all the legislative roles. Congress is a collection of generalists trying to make policy on specialized topics. The complexity of today's issues require more specialization. Congress tries to cope with these demands through its elaborate committee system.

    50. American bicameralism A bicameral legislature is one divided into two houses. The U.S. Congress and every American state legislature except Nebraska's are bicameral. Each state is guaranteed two senators in the U.S. Congress, with representation in the House of Representatives based on population.

    51. The framers of the Constitution thought the Senate would protect elite interests. They gave the House (which they expected to be closest to the masses) the power of initiating all revenue bills and of impeaching officials; they gave the Senate the responsibility for ratifying all treaties, for confirming important presidential nominations, and for trying impeached officials.

    52. The House and Senate each set their own agenda. Both use committees to narrow down the thousands of bills introduced.

    53. House of Representatives The House is much larger and more institutionalized than the Senate. Party loyalty to leadership and party-line voting are more common than in the Senate. Debate can be ended by a simple majority vote.

    54. House Rules Committee One institution unique to the House is the House Rules Committee, which reviews most bills coming from a House committee before they go to the full House. Each bill is given a "rule," which schedules the bill on the calendar, allots time for debate, and sometimes even specifies what kind of amendments may be offered. Members are appointed by the Speaker of the House.

    55. Senate The Senate is less disciplined and less centralized than the House. Today's senators are more equal in power than representatives are. Party leaders do for Senate scheduling what the Rules Committee does in the House. The filibuster permits unlimited debate on a bill. In practice, this sometimes means that opponents of a bill may try to "talk it to death. " At the present time, sixty members present and voting can halt a filibuster by invoking cloture ( closure) on debate.

    56. Congressional Leadership Much of the leadership in Congress is really party leadership. Those who have the real power in the congressional hierarchy are those whose party put them there. Power is no longer in the hands of a few key members of Congress who are insulated from the public. Instead, power is widely dispersed, requiring leaders to appeal broadly for support.

    57. House Leadership The Speaker of the House is second (after the vice president) in the line to succeed a president who resigns, dies in office, or is impeached. At one time, the Speaker had almost unlimited powers. Many of the powers were removed from the Speaker's control in 1910 and given to committees; some of the powers were later restored.

    58. Formal powers of the Speaker today include: presides over the House when it is in session; plays a major role in making committee assignments; appoints or plays a key role in appointing the party's legislative leaders and the party leadership staff; exercises substantial control over which bills get assigned to which committees

    59. The Speaker also has a great deal of informal power both inside and outside Congress. The Speaker's principal partisan ally is the majority leader. The majority leader is responsible for rounding up votes on party legislation and for scheduling bills in the House. Party whips work with the majority leader to round up votes and to report the views and complaints of the party rank-and-file back to the leadership. The minority party is also organized (with a minority leader and whips), and is prepared to take over the key posts if it should win a majority in the House.

    60. Senate Leadership The Constitution names the vice president as president of the Senate. Vice presidents typically have little power or influence in the Senate, except in the rare case when their vote can break a tie.

    61. Congressional leadership in perspective The structure of Congress is so complex that it seems remarkable that legislation gets passed at all. Its bicameral division means that bills have two sets of committee hurdles to clear. Recent reforms have decentralized power, and so the job of leading Congress is more difficult than ever. Congressional leaders are not in the strong positions they occupied in the past. Leaders are elected by their fellow party members and must remain responsive to them.

    62. Party leadership Party leadership--at least in the House-has been more effective in recent years. Following the Republican takeover in 1995, Speaker Newt Gingrich began centralizing power and exercising vigorous legislative leadership.

    63. The committees and subcommittees Most of the real work of Congress goes on in committees. Committees dominate congressional policy-making. They regularly hold hearings to investigate problems and possible wrongdoing, and to investigate the executive branch. They control the congressional agenda and guide legislation from its introduction to its send-off for the president's signature.

    64. Committees can be grouped into four types: standing committees (by far the most important),joint committees, conference committees, and select committees.

    65. Standing Committees Standing committees are permanent subject-matter committees, formed to handle bills in different policy areas. Each chamber has its own committees and subcommittees. In the 103rd Congress, the typical representative served on two committees and four subcommittees, while senators averaged three committees and seven subcommittees each.

    66. Joint Committees Joint committees are study committees that exist in a few policy areas, with membership drawn from both the Senate and the House.

    67. Conference Committees Conference committees are formed to work out the differences when different versions of a bill are passed by the two houses. Membership is drawn from both houses.

    68. Select Committees Select committees are temporary committees appointed for a specific ("select") purpose, such as the Senate select committee that looked into Watergate.

    69. The committees at work: legislation and oversight. More than 11,000 bills are submitted by members every two years, which must be sifted through and narrowed down by the committee process. Every bill goes to a standing committee; usually only bills receiving a favorable committee report are considered by the whole House or Senate.

    70. The committees at work: legislation and oversight. New bills sent to a committee typically go directly to subcommittee, which can hold hearings on the bill. The most important output of committees and subcommittees is the "marked-up" (revised and rewritten) bill, submitted to the full House or Senate for consideration.

    71. The committees at work: legislation and oversight. Members of the committee will usually serve as ''floor managers" of the bill when the bill leaves committee, helping party leaders secure votes for the legislation. They will also be cue-givers to whom other members turn for advice. When the two chambers pass different versions of the same bill, some committee members will be appointed to the conference committee.

    72. The committees at work: legislation and oversight. Legislative oversight- the process of monitoring the bureaucracy and its administration of policy--is one of the checks Congress can exercise on the executive branch.

    73. Oversight Oversight is handled primarily through hearings. Members of committees constantly monitor how a bill is implemented. The process enables Congress to exert pressure on executive agencies, or even to cut their budgets in order to secure compliance with congressional wishes.

    74. Congressional oversight Congressional oversight occasionally captures public attention, such as congressional investigations into the Watergate scandal and the 1987 Iran-Contra affair.

    75. Congress keeps tabs on more routine activities of the executive branch through its committee staff members, who have specialized expertise in the fields and agencies that their committees oversee (and who maintain an extensive network of formal and informal contacts with the bureaucracy).

    76. Getting on a committee. Just after election, new members write to the party's congressional leaders and members of their state delegation, indicating their committee preferences. Each party in each house has a slightly different way of picking its committee members, but party leaders almost always play a key role.

    77. Getting on a committee. Members seek committee assignments that will help them achieve three goals: reelection, influence in Congress, and the opportunity to make policy in areas they think are important. Although every committee includes members from both parties, a majority of each committee's members-as well as its chaircome from the majority party.

    78. How a Bill Becomes a Law Review the Chart on your desk How a Bill Becomes Law Compare it to the School House Rock Video Im Just a Bill

    79. Getting ahead on the committee: chairs and the seniority system. Committee chairs are the most important influencers of the committee agenda. They play dominant-though no longer monopolistic-roles in scheduling hearings, hiring staff, appointing subcommittees, and managing committee bills when they are brought before the full House.

    80. Until the 1970s, committee chairs were always selected through the seniority system-the member of the majority party with the longest tenure on the committee would automatically be selected. Chairs were so powerful that they could single-handedly "bottle up" legislation in committee. The system also gave a decisive edge to members from "safe" districts, where members were seldom challenged for reelection.

    81. In the 1970s, Congress faced a revolt of its younger members. So both parties in both houses permitted members to vote on committee chairs. These and other reforms have somewhat reduced the clout of the chairs.

    82. The mushrooming caucuses: the informal organization of Congress. The explosion of informal groups in Congress has made the representation of interests in Congress a more direct process (cutting out the middleman, the lobbyist). In recent years, a growing number of caucuses have dominated these traditional informal groups. A caucus is a grouping of members of Congress sharing some interest or characteristic, such as the Black Caucus, the Hispanic Caucus, the Congresswomen's Caucus, and the Sunbelt Caucus. Caucuses include regional groupings, ideological groupings, and economic groupings.

    83. The proliferation of congressional caucuses (more than 100 of them in the 106th Congress) gives members of Congress an informal, yet powerful, means of shaping the policy agenda. Composed of legislative insiders who share similar concerns, the caucuses exert a much greater influence on policy-making than most citizen-based interest groups can.

    84. Congressional Staff Most staff members work in the personal offices of individual members. The average representative has 17 assistants and the average senator has 44. In total, about 11,500 individuals serve on the personal staffs of members of Congress. Nearly one-half of these House staffers and nearly one-third of the Senate personal staff work in members' offices in their constituencies, not in Washington. This makes it easier for people to make contact with the staff.

    85. Congressional Staff The committees of the House and Senate employ another 2,500 staff members. These staff members organize hearings, research legislative options, draft committee reports on bills, write legislation, and, keep tabs on the activities of the executive branch.

    86. Contacting Washington 108 b - If you were to contact your Congressperson about a law change, what would you propose? What information would you need?

    87. Congress has three important staff agencies that aid it in its work. (1) The first is the Congressional Research Service (CRS), administered by the Library of Congress. The CRS employs nearly 750 researchers, many with advanced degrees and highly developed expertise.

    88. Congress has three important staff agencies that aid it in its work. (2) The General Accounting Office (GAO), with more than 3,500 employees, helps Congress perform its oversight functions by reviewing the activities of the executive branch to see if it is following the congressional intent of laws and by investigating the efficiency and effectiveness of policy implementation.

    89. Congress has three important staff agencies that aid it in its work. (3) The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) employs more than 230 people. Its principal focus is on analyzing the president's budget and making economic projections about the performance of the economy, the costs of proposed policies, and the economic effects of taxing and spending alternatives.

    90. THE CONGRESSIONAL PROCESS Approximately 5500 bills are introduced annually. A bill is a proposed law, drafted in precise, legal language. Bill movie Anyone can draft a bill, but only members of the House or Senate can formally submit a bill for consideration. The White House and interest groups are common sources of bills. Most bills are quietly killed off early in the legislative process. Legislators often use riders to pass a bill that does not have enough support on its own to pass.

    91. Presidents and Congress Presidents are partners with Congress in the legislative process, but all presidents are also Congress' adversaries in the struggle to control legislative outcomes. Presidents have their own legislative agenda, based in part on their party's platform and their electoral coalition. Political scientists sometimes call the president the chief legislator; the president's task is to persuade Congress that his agenda should also be Congress' agenda.

    92. President Obama 118 b In his first two years in office, with a House and Senate controlled by the Democratic party, did President Obama have a greater or a smaller influence on Congress than if they were Republican led? Why? 118 c What has happened in Congress since the Republicans took over a year ago? How has President Obama had to change his strategy?

    93. Presidents and Congress Presidents have many resources with which to influence Congress. They may try to influence members directly, but more often will leave White House lobbying to the congressional liaison office and work primarily through regular meetings with the party's leaders in the House and Senate.

    94. Presidents and Congress Rather than creating the conditions for important shifts in public policy, an effective president is a negotiator who works at the margins of coalition building to recognize and exploit opportunities presented by a favorable configuration of political forces.

    95. Presidents & Congress Presidential success rates for influencing congressional votes vary widely among presidents and within a president's tenure in office. Presidents are usually most successful early in their tenures and when their party has a majority in one or both houses of Congress. Regardless, in almost any year, the president will lose on many issues.

    96. Party Influence Parties are most cohesive when Congress is electing its official leaders. A vote for the Speaker of the House is a straight partyline vote. On other issues, the party coalition may not stick together. Votes on issues like civil rights have shown deep divisions within each party. Differences between the parties are sharpest on questions of social welfare and economic policy.

    97. Party Influence In democracies with parliamentary systems such as Great Britain, almost all votes are party-line votes. Parties are considerably weaker in the United States. Party affiliation does influence votes of U.S. legislators, but in a typical year, a majority of Democrats and Republicans oppose each other less than half the time.

    98. Party Influence Party leaders in Congress are limited in their powers to obtain support from party members. They cannot remove a member from the party, although they do have some influence (such as committee assignments). Recently the partiesespecially the Republicans-have been a growing source of money for congressional campaigns.

    99. What do you think? 126a - Should members of Congress use their best judgment to make policy in the interests of the people OR should they mirror the preferences of their constituents? Why? Type your answer as #126a on your note sheet

    100. There are a variety of views concerning how members of Congress should fulfill their function of representation. The eighteenth century English legislator, Sir Edmund Burke, favored the concept of legislators as trustees, using their best judgment to make policy in the interests of the people. The concept of representatives as instructed delegates calls for representatives to mirror the preferences of their constituents.

    101. Members of Congress are actually politicos, combining the trustee and instructed delegate roles as they attempt to be both representatives and policymakers.

    102. Winners of congressional elections tend to vote on roll calls pretty much as they said they would. The most effective way for constituents to influence congressional voting is to elect candidates who match their policy positions.

    103. On some controversial issues, it is perilous for a legislator to ignore constituent opinion. Representatives and senators have recently been concerned about the many new single-issue groups that will vote exclusively on a candidate's position on a single issue (such as gun control), and not on the member's total record.

    104. Members of Congress do pay attention to voters, especially on visible issues, but most issues do not interest voters. However, it is difficult for legislators to know what the people want. On less visible issues, other factors (such as lobbyists and the member's individual ideologies) influence policy decisions.

    105. Lobbyists and interest groups Lobbyists-some of them former members of Congress-represent the interests of their organization. They also can provide legislators with crucial information, and often can give assurances of financial aid in the next campaign. There are more than 14,000 individuals in Washington representing nearly 12,000 organizations. The bigger the issue, the more lobbyists are involved in it.

    106. Lobbyists and interest groups Lobbyists are regulated primarily by the Federal Regulation of Lobbying Act (1946) and a 1995 law. Paid lobbyists whose principal purpose is to influence or defeat legislation must register and file reports with the secretary of the Senate and the clerk of the House

    107. Lobbyists and interest groups Anyone hired to lobby members of Congress, congressional staff members, White House officials, and federal agencies must report what issues they were seeking to influence, how much they were spending on the effort, and the identities of their clients. In theory, the disclosure requirements would prevent shady deals and curb the influence of special interests.

    108. Elite or Democratic? 138a - Do you think that members of Congress are elitist in their role or democratic? Why? Type your answer before # 138

    109. Congress and Democracy In a large democracy, the success of democratic government depends on the quality of representation. Congress clearly has some undemocratic and unrepresentative features: its members are an American elite; its leadership is chosen by its own members; voters have little direct influence over the people who chair key committees or lead congressional parties.

    110. Congress and Democracy There is also evidence to support the view that Congress is representative: Congress does try to listen to the American people; the election does make a difference in how votes turn out; which party is in power affects policies; linkage institutions do link voters to policymakers. Members of Congress are responsive to the people, if the people make it clear what they want.

    111. Reforming Congress Reformers have tried to promote a more open, democratic Congress. To a large degree, they have succeeded. In the 1950s, the real power was at the top. Committee chairs were automatically selected by seniority, and their power on the committee was unquestioned.

    112. Democratization Lyndon Johnson started the reform process during his tenure as majority leader when he implemented the "Johnson rule, " which gave each senator a seat on at least one key committee. This reform allowed junior members more room at the top.

    113. Democratization By the 1970s, the reform movement tried to create more democracy by spreading power around. Chairs were elected by the majority party (some chairs were replaced), and the power of committee chairs was reduced. Subcommittees became the new centers of power in Congress.

    114. Democratization The proliferation of informal caucuses have tended to decentralize power in Congress, although recent reforms by the Republicans may change this.

    115. Representativeness versus effectiveness The central legislative dilemma for Congress is combining the faithful representation of constituents with the making of effective public policy. Supporters see Congress as a forum in which many interests compete for a spot on the policy agenda and over the form of a particular policy (as the founders intended).

    116. Representativeness versus effectiveness Critics wonder if Congress is so responsive to so many interests that policy is too uncoordinated, fragmented, and decentralized. Some observers feel that Congress is so representative that it is incapable of taking decisive action to deal with difficult problems.

    117. Congress and the scope of government Americans have contradictory preferences regarding public policy. They want to balance the budget and pay low taxes, but they also support most government programs. These contradictory preferences may help explain the pervasive ticket splitting in national elections which has frequently led to divided government.

    118. Congress and the scope of government Big government helps members of Congress get reelected and even gives them good reason to support making it bigger. However, Congress does not impose programs on a reluctant public; instead, it responds to the public's demands for them.

    119. Big vs. Small Government Type your answer on your note sheet 149 b - Whose responsibility is it to solve our nations problems? The government? The free market and Individuals?

    120. Its Timed Writing Thursday! - We will continue our Chapter 12 Congress notes after our writing assignment. Please get out some paper and something to write with.

    121. Timed Writing Thursdays #9 Directions: You have 100 minutes to answer all four of the following questions. Unless the directions indicate otherwise, respond to all parts of all four questions. It is suggested that you take a few minutes to plan and outline each answer. Spend approximately one-fourth of your time (25 minutes) on each question. In your response, use substantive examples when appropriate. Make certain to number each of your answers as the question is numbered below. 1. Congressional reapportionment and redistricting are conducted every ten years. When redistricting is conducted, politicians often engage in gerrymandering. (a) Define congressional reapportionment and explain one reason why it is important to states. (b) Define congressional redistricting. (c) Explain two goals of politicians when they gerrymander during redistricting. (d) Describe two limits that the United States Supreme Court has placed on congressional redistricting.

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