兩岸政治參與
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兩岸政治參與. 高永光老師. Contacting Officials. Contacting an official is very specific as to situation and time; a person contacts a governmental official out of concern about a given narrow issue that affects him or her directly--school taxes, road work, social security check, and so forth. .

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兩岸政治參與

高永光老師

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Contacting Officials

  • Contacting an official is very specific as to situation and time; a person contacts a governmental official out of concern about a given narrow issue that affects him or her directly--school taxes, road work, social security check, and so forth.

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Protestors fall into this category, but the percentage was considerably higher in some of the other countries studied; the Netherlands showed the highest at 38%.

  • Protesting tends to be engaged in more frequently by persons in minority status such as blacks, students, and women. Among American blacks, for example, there is a positive correlation between protesting and being patriotic.

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Communicators fall into this category, but the percentage was considerably higher in some of the other countries studied; the Netherlands showed the highest at 38%.

  • “Keep informed about politics," "send messages of support to political leaders when they are doing well," "send protest messages to political leaders when they are doing badly," "engage in political discussion." "inform others in my community about politics." "make my views known to public officials," "write letters to the editors of newspapers."

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  • A communicative mode of relationship between the individual and the polity seems to require a high education, a high level of information about politics, and a high level of interest in politics. The modes of relationship between individuals and the polity are summarized in Figure 1. The modes or styles for making inputs to the political system are somewhat related to the beliefs that people hold about what the government should do for them.

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上課使用 political involvement with the several modes of activity. Activists are of different types: communicators community activists, party and campaign workers, and protestors. Classroom Only


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Figure1: Modes relating individuals to the policy. Percentages for the party and campaign workers mode are based mostly on a national survey conducted in 1967 (Verba & Nie, 1972); percentages for the remaining modes are based on the Buffalo Survey (1968).

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上課使用 Percentages for the party and campaign workers mode are based mostly on a national survey conducted in 1967 (Verba & Nie, 1972); percentages for the remaining modes are based on the Buffalo Survey (1968). Classroom Only


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Factors Antecedent to Behavior Percentages for the party and campaign workers mode are based mostly on a national survey conducted in 1967 (Verba & Nie, 1972); percentages for the remaining modes are based on the Buffalo Survey (1968).

  • Every decision to act, or not to act, is affected by a person's immediate environment, particularly the stimuli that are present in that environment. The decision to participate or not is also directly affected by the attitudes, beliefs, and personality trails of citizens. These life position factors are generally identified and measured by such familiar variables as education, income, age, race, and so forth.

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Political Participation as a Percentages for the party and campaign workers mode are based mostly on a national survey conducted in 1967 (Verba & Nie, 1972); percentages for the remaining modes are based on the Buffalo Survey (1968). Function of Stimuli

  • The more stimuli about politics a person receives, the greater the likelihood that he or she will participate in politics and the greater the depth of that participation. A related proposition is that persons with strong preferences for a party or candidate pick up more political stimuli than those with weak preferences.

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Political participation as a Percentages for the party and campaign workers mode are based mostly on a national survey conducted in 1967 (Verba & Nie, 1972); percentages for the remaining modes are based on the Buffalo Survey (1968). Function of Personal Factors

  • Three personal factors have been related by research to political participation; attitudes, beliefs, and personality traits.

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Participation as a Function of Attitudes and Beliefs Percentages for the party and campaign workers mode are based mostly on a national survey conducted in 1967 (Verba & Nie, 1972); percentages for the remaining modes are based on the Buffalo Survey (1968).

  • One's belief system is generally larger than one's value system.

  • Beliefs, and the cognitions which underlie both beliefs and attitudes, have not been widely researched in political-behavior studies.

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Psychological Involvement Percentages for the party and campaign workers mode are based mostly on a national survey conducted in 1967 (Verba & Nie, 1972); percentages for the remaining modes are based on the Buffalo Survey (1968).

  • Psychological involvement refers to the degree to which citizens are interested in and concerned about politics and public affairs.

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Sense of Civic Obligation Percentages for the party and campaign workers mode are based mostly on a national survey conducted in 1967 (Verba & Nie, 1972); percentages for the remaining modes are based on the Buffalo Survey (1968).

  • A sense of obligation to participate in politics is another important political attitude that relates to participation. Feeling a duty to participate carries over strongly to political actions; several studies show that persons feeling a duty to participate in politics are more likely to do so.

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Party Identification Percentages for the party and campaign workers mode are based mostly on a national survey conducted in 1967 (Verba & Nie, 1972); percentages for the remaining modes are based on the Buffalo Survey (1968).

  • Much research has shown that the strength of party identification is important for explaining levels of political activity.

  • Party identification represents a long-term force in contrast to candidate and issue preferences, which are short-term forces (Campbell el al., 1960).

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Group Identification Percentages for the party and campaign workers mode are based mostly on a national survey conducted in 1967 (Verba & Nie, 1972); percentages for the remaining modes are based on the Buffalo Survey (1968).

  • Identification with a group is similar to party identification. Group identification is a sense of belonging, together with an awareness of the salience of the group.

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Political Efficacy Feelings Percentages for the party and campaign workers mode are based mostly on a national survey conducted in 1967 (Verba & Nie, 1972); percentages for the remaining modes are based on the Buffalo Survey (1968).

  • Political efficacy is the feeling that one is capable of influencing the public decision-making process. A person who believes that he or she can influence government officials or public issues is said to be subjectively efficacious or competent.

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Alienation, Cynicism, Distrust Percentages for the party and campaign workers mode are based mostly on a national survey conducted in 1967 (Verba & Nie, 1972); percentages for the remaining modes are based on the Buffalo Survey (1968).

  • It is not easy to define alienation; the difficulty stems from the fact that it is an extremely fashionable concept loosely used to refer to all sorts of negative attitudes about society in general and the political system in particular. Political alienation will be defined here as deep seated and relatively enduring feelings of estrangement, rejection, negativism, and unhappiness with the political system.

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Participation as a Function of Personality Percentages for the party and campaign workers mode are based mostly on a national survey conducted in 1967 (Verba & Nie, 1972); percentages for the remaining modes are based on the Buffalo Survey (1968).

  • The impact of personality on political participation is often more latent than manifest; it can come forth strongly in some situations and have almost no influence in others

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Sociability and Extraversion Percentages for the party and campaign workers mode are based mostly on a national survey conducted in 1967 (Verba & Nie, 1972); percentages for the remaining modes are based on the Buffalo Survey (1968).

  • ociability is defined here as a feeling of ease and graciousness in social relationships; normally, it is accompanied by the possession of effective social skills. Some research has shown that people with sociable personalities are more likely to enter politics and also to take leading roles once they enter it. Participation in social groups is highly correlated with political participation.

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Dominance, Manipulativeness, and Power Drive Percentages for the party and campaign workers mode are based mostly on a national survey conducted in 1967 (Verba & Nie, 1972); percentages for the remaining modes are based on the Buffalo Survey (1968).

  • It is often supposed that individuals with a personal need for status and power over others naturally gravitate to politics to fulfill their craving.

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Political Participation as a Function of Social Position Percentages for the party and campaign workers mode are based mostly on a national survey conducted in 1967 (Verba & Nie, 1972); percentages for the remaining modes are based on the Buffalo Survey (1968).

  • The greatest quantity of research on political participation has related political behavior to social-position variables.

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Socioeconomic Status (SES) or Class Percentages for the party and campaign workers mode are based mostly on a national survey conducted in 1967 (Verba & Nie, 1972); percentages for the remaining modes are based on the Buffalo Survey (1968).

  • Socioeconomic status is generally conceived as having three components: education, income, and occupation. These three components are themselves highly intercorrelated, but they are sufficiently different to warrant measuring them separately and then combining them in a single "objective" index of class or status.

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  • Research has shown that the correlation between SES and participation is higher in India and the United States than it is in such other countries as Germany, The Netherlands, Austria, and Japan. Economic modernization is a potent, if slow, force affecting political patterns.

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  • Studies in Norway and Japan show that as patterns of employment shifted from largely primary economic activities (fishing, agriculture, forestry) to secondary (manufacturing) and tertiary (services) ones, more and more persons who had formerly stayed outside the political process were mobilized into the electorate .

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Place of Residence employment shifted from largely primary economic activities (fishing, agriculture, forestry) to secondary (manufacturing) and tertiary (services) ones, more and more persons who had formerly stayed outside the political process were mobilized into the electorate .

  • Much political participation research has related place of residence to participation levels. Many of the earlier studies showed that rural dwellers were less likely to become active in politics than city dwellers.

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Organizational Involvement employment shifted from largely primary economic activities (fishing, agriculture, forestry) to secondary (manufacturing) and tertiary (services) ones, more and more persons who had formerly stayed outside the political process were mobilized into the electorate .

  • Many studies have shown that those who are organizationally involved participate in politics at rates far greater than citizens who are not so involved. The effects of social participation on political participation are cumulative. The greater the number of one's affiliations, the greater the likelihood of one's participation in political activity.

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Community Identification groups pulling in different political directions; or some groups may urge political action while others urge inaction. Persons in that situation can be thought of as cross-pressured.

  • It was mentioned several times above that persons who are well integrated into their community tend to feel close to the center of community decisions and are more likely to participate in politics.

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Age groups pulling in different political directions; or some groups may urge political action while others urge inaction. Persons in that situation can be thought of as cross-pressured.

  • Many studies from around the world have found that participation increases modestly but steadily with age until it reaches a peak in the middle years and then gradually declines with old age.

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Variations by Sex groups pulling in different political directions; or some groups may urge political action while others urge inaction. Persons in that situation can be thought of as cross-pressured.

  • The traditional division of labor which assigns political roles to men rather than women has not vanished. The finding that men are more likely to participate in politics than women is one of the most thoroughly substantiated in social science.

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Race groups pulling in different political directions; or some groups may urge political action while others urge inaction. Persons in that situation can be thought of as cross-pressured.

  • Participation patterns among Negroes in the United States have undergone revolutionary changes in the past two decades. Negroes have moved from being an inactive and disenfranchised minority, especially in the South, to a more self-assured and vocal group in the 1970s.

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  • If a minority is prevented from using normal political channels for the redress of grievances, does it turn to extraordinary means or even attempt to destroy the political system?

  • Currently, dark-skinned people all around the world seem to be caught up in a "revolution of rising expectations.”

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Political Participation as a Function of Environmental Variables

  • Environmental factors shape human behavior independently of the personal traits of individuals. There are a variety of contextual or environmental variables that can affect political participation; the nonhuman biological and physical aspects of the environment; the cultural milieu; the social structure of the community, and the political setting.

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By modernization we mean the industrial penetration of traditional societies with concomitant changes in their sociopolitical structures and cultural values.

The predominance of primary institutions (family, village, church) gives way to secondary institutions (voluntary organizations, unions, parties, state structures), face-to-face communications give way to mass communications, local autonomy to interdependence, tribal loyalties to national loyalties, and so on.

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Modernization and Political Violence traditional societies with concomitant changes in their sociopolitical structures and cultural values.

  • The relationship between modernization and potential for political violence differs from the relationship between modernization and conventional political participation. Huntington (1968) shows that whereas modernity breeds stability, modernization breeds instability.

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Rules of the Game traditional societies tend to be peaceful and stable but that those societies in the process of modernization seem more likely to be violence prone.

  • Persons not eligible to vote in a society are not likely to engage in other political activities either. Mere eligibility, on the other hand, by no means guarantees participation.

  • Even though suffrage may be "universal," there are often other legal barriers to participation, the most significant being residence requirements.

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The Party System registration, until recently were not only inconvenient but downright difficult.

  • Political parties were invented, among other reasons, to help citizens interpret political information and events and to organize and channel their political participation. The political-party system inevitably affects patterns and rates of participation in politics.

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